By Denis Bright  

Expect a boost in polling support for the Yes case in the forthcoming referendum after the public relations triumph of the Garma Festival. All Australians welcome images of people having fun together in the traditions of over 65,000 years of Dreamtime Heritage. Prime Minister Albanese joined in the celebrations. His minders took care not to over-politicize the festive occasion. The call for a Yes Result came from a happy audience of assembled participants.

Political reality is always tempered by the poor record of support for referendum questions which do not enjoy bipartisan support, as with the referendum for an Australian Republic in 1998.

This article offers mere anecdotes on just how a Yes Result can build a common sense of place for all Australians in both the Ipswich District and in North West Queensland (NWQ).

Readers can use similar research tools to unlock the history of colonial settlement in their localities. Perhaps these selected localities will represent a local challenge to the Yes campaign if neoconservative leaders are able to tap old prejudices in communities with their share of Aussie battlers. I have a feeling that the positive vibes from the Garma festival will actually counteract some initial local skepticism. Only time will tell if Great Expectations can be delivered in time for a favourable result.

The Yes Referendum: Bringing the Ipswich District Back To The Dreamtime Spirit?

Within thirty years of the end of convict settlement in the Moreton Bay District in the early 1870s, Ipswich had already become a thriving township beside the Bremer River. Steamboats carried freight and passengers to link up with the expanding rail connections from Ipswich to Toowoomba and beyond. River traffic only declined after the opening of the first railway from Ipswich to Brisbane in 1876. It is difficult to believe that so much new urban landscape could be delivered in less than forty years of post-convict settlement.

Image from ICC Historical Series

During convict times, limestone quarried in Ipswich was converted into lime for transport by river to cement public buildings in Brisbane. The Commissariat Store Building (1829) is still near the Queen’s Wharf Redevelopment Project.

Less certain are the critical details of interactions between the convicts and their guards with aboriginal people from the Turrbal people in Brisbane and the Jaggera people in Ipswich.

Prompted by Adam Liaw’s recent documentary series on SBS television, I was shocked to find out about the extent of the Frontier Wards in South East Queensland as graziers occupied indigenous lands after the termination of the convict period in the 1840s. Some details from the documentary are available from SBS television in the Who The Bloody Hell Are We? series.

Until the post-2000 era, it was quite common for Australian history classes to commence with a discussion of the impact of convict transportation on Australian identity without reference to the place of aboriginal people in the social mix.

This cultural vacuum produced a nostalgia for the colonial period in which the new settlers from distant lands were seen as agents of a new progressive civilization which sought new political heroes to represent working people in the colonial parliament and local councils.

In Ipswich itself, aboriginal people moved from the new townscape to the urban fringes as well as places like Deebing Creek Mission and the Purga Mission under the management of local religious leaders.

As a totem to colonial occupation a monument to Queensland’s Samuel Blackall (1809-71) was erected at a major intersection in the Ipswich CBD before being moved to a remote spot when it became a nuisance or traffic flows and a cultural eyesore.

Sketchy details of this historical blind spot in our colonial history can be gleaned from ChatGPT based on its feedback from media monitoring by OpenAI in the absence of an easily accessible local history of the Frontier Wars in the Moreton District.

This local history is also researched by eminent scholars like Libby Connors including Warrior: A Legendary Leader’s Dramatic Life and Violent Death on the Colonial Frontier, The Secret War: A True History of Queensland’s Native Police as well as Dust Dreams and Drought: A History of Queensland. Libby Connors edited and reissued Tom Petrie’s Reminiscences of Early Queensland.

In the background the promotion Warrior for Allen and Unwin, the sometimes-violent history of colonial occupation of aboriginal lands is covered through a perspective on the life of Dundalli (c1820-55) who faced a public execution in front of the site of the current Brisbane GPO on 5 January 1855. This had once been the site of a women’s prison:

In the 1840s, white settlement in the north was under attack. European settlers were in awe of Aboriginal physical fitness and fighting prowess, and a series of deadly raids on homesteads made even the townspeople of Brisbane anxious.

Young warrior Dundalli was renowned for his size and strength, and his elders gave him the task of leading the resistance against the Europeans’ ever-increasing incursions on their traditional lands. Their response was embedded in Aboriginal law and Dundalli became one of their greatest lawmen. With his band of warriors, he had the settlers in thrall for twelve years, evading capture again and again, until he was finally arrested and publicly executed.

Warrior is the extraordinary story of one of Australia’s little-known heroes, one of many Aboriginal men to die protecting their country. It is also a fresh and compelling portrait of life in the early days of white settlement of Brisbane and South East Queensland.

‘An enduring record of one of our greatest heroes.’ – Sam Watson, activist and writer

‘Deeply considered and powerfully told, this book recovers the entangled history of Aboriginal people and settlers in colonial Queensland, a history which is also Australia’s story writ large.’ – Associate Professor Grace Karskens, University of NSW.

The current Voice referendum will generate an interest in this period in Australian history to unlock some of the current blind spots in our cultural history to fund new drama productions, documentaries and films from the interest generated in the constitutional exercises even if a Yes vote does not prevail in Queensland.

Sagas of natural disasters and social upheavals during the colonial period need to be broadened by an Aboriginal perspective of our history in time for the 150^th Anniversary of the Commonwealth of Australia in the perspectives of over 65,000 years of settlement of this continent. Aboriginal people did not even get a mention in the Australian constitution as approved by both houses of the British Parliament upon advice from leaders of the federation movement who were chosen by an all-male electoral constituency on a very limited franchise. While support for the 1898 constitutional referendum was carried in Queensland, it was not endorsed in parts of Brisbane and Ipswich.

A Comparative Look at NWQ in the Kalkadoon Country of the Queensland Frontier

Australians in more remote communities like North West Queensland (NWQ) should have a particular affinity with indigenous history after the excesses of the Frontier Wars in the frontiers of settlement in Queensland.

Here the Frontier Wars were ferocious. The Kalkadoon people engaged in guerrilla warfare against both European settlers who were usually supported by the Queensland Native Police. Playwrights and movie makers could have a field day in covering these conflicts. Kalkadoon warriors put up fierce resistance at the Battle of Battle Mountain near the present-day town of Cloncurry in May 1884. Their leaders were captured and often executed.

These events in the Frontier Wars have been researched by specialist writers including Robert C Morris, Noel Loos, Barry L. Kimber and Ray Evans. Future playwright and movie makers can also research diaries and government sponsored reports in this occupation era.

The Great War (1914-18) brought a boom in commodity exports. Before deep mining commenced at Mt. Isa in the 1920s, remote mining settlements operated in the Cloncurry District which attracted rail connections and even local tramways through the spinifex country. The details of these quite remote localities were covered by ABC Rural Reporters in 2022.

Today, many of these deserted mining settlements are on grazing properties which tourists find difficult to access when the weather is usually perfect in the cooler months.

There are similar historic ruins in the Lawn Hill-Doomadgee Districts.

Today, many of these deserted mining settlements are on grazing properties which tourists find difficult to access when the weather is usually perfect in the cooler months.

There are similar historic ruins in the Lawn Hill-Doomadgee Districts.

Settlement of the Savannah Outback was a challenge to people from all backgrounds including, Chinese immigrants.

During the interwar period, (1918-39), French Australian botanist Albert de Lestang (1884-1959) was commissioned by the Queensland Government to experiment with the cultivation of tropical plants and fruits along Lawn Hill Creek at Adel’s Grove. These efforts supplied botanic gardens in Brisbane and overseas with exotic plants. The botanist’s life-time work was destroyed by fire during the early 1950s as recalled in the Newsletter from the Friends of Myall Park Botanic Garden in 2009 which is readily available on a routine Google search:

For a man who wanted so much to share his information and passion, his whole lifetime of effort was to end in great tragedy. In early 1950, while he was away, a man-made fire destroyed everything – all buildings, cleaning and packing equipment, records and almost the entire garden except for the orchard. It is said the fire was deliberately lit. He tried to resume and rebuild but with more setbacks he had to give up. Here is the extract from his letter to David Gordon, Nurseryman in Glenmorgan, Queensland, 18 September,1952:

“The priceless botanical collection of over 2000 varieties have been abandoned, the garden overrun by saplings, kunai grass and sword tussocks; what the fire has left of the fence is wrecked, yards gone, home site bare of buildings but the flimsy shack I live in. What still stands of the onetime glorious gardens is the fruit plantation I try to maintain for a living.

Have cut all experimental works for lack of equipment and labour, too old and weak to carry on alone, failure to find one to take over from me at death. Since the place is destined to revert to wilderness is better now than later.

To rebuild, fence and equip would cost thousands, with no one in sight to take over would be lunacy. Soil and water are still here, if you wish you may have them on request for the wherewithal to keep going.”

(Albert de Lestang died in the state-government run nursing home in Charters Towers aged 75 in November 1959).

While local tourism to NWQ should be encouraged, there are so many blind spots in coverage of both the indigenous and early colonial periods of occupation. Mt Isa Mines were associated with major industrial disputes as the local workforce became highly unionized.

Historian and social critic Humphrey McQueen (dob 29 March 1936) shocked earlier generations with his critical analyses of secrecy in Australian history, This secrecy lives on today in recent events like the AUKUS deals, port vessels by submarines carrying nuclear weapons, deployment of B-52 bombers in the NT, expansion of the Pine Gap Defence Spy Base and the latest releases from the US Department of Defense on support for high security manufacturing processes and the expansion of base facilities in Northern Australia.

Whatever might prevail in the short-term, the odds are always on future openness unless the threshold of the eve of destruction is reached by some accidental strategic incident. So in the hope of Voice First and Treaty later, a tribute to Yunupingu (1948-2023):

By John Haly  

The threat of Artificial Intelligence effectively doing jobs has raised fears that tomorrow’s world will be increasingly jobless. There are competing proposals to resolve the societal fallout of a jobless world.

One proposal is a Universal Basic Income (UBI) which entails the provision of a consistent and unqualified monetary allowance to every member of a given society, irrespective of their financial standing, employment situation, or any other relevant considerations. It has had several well-known advocates, from Democratic presidential hopeful Andrew Yang to tech billionaire Elon Musk. Variations on the UBI have been trialled, such as in Finland recently from January 2017 to December 2018, where 2,000 unemployed people in Finland received an unconditional monthly payment of €560 ($634) instead of their usual unemployment benefit. The results were mixed and not the solution people were expecting. The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) research on Basic Income holds significant value due to its nuanced and comprehensive analysis of nations that have implemented this policy.

The other proposal is a Federal Job Guarantee. The concept of a job guarantee (JG) is where the federal government provides a publicly financed employment opportunity to individuals willing and able to work but unable to secure employment within the private sector. The government assumes the role of the “employer of last resort,” guaranteeing employment opportunities for all individuals seeking work. The program’s primary objective is to achieve both full employment and price stability to provide a sustainable solution to the dual problems of inflation and unemployment. This is accomplished through the establishment of a buffer stock of employed individuals who receive only the minimum wage. These individuals are engaged in a range of socially beneficial activities, which are determined and organised at the Federal, State and Local levels. Examples of such activities could include infrastructure projects, community services, and environmental initiatives.

This article does not delve into the intricacies of a job guarantee. Instead, it critically evaluates the UBI as the labour market policy of choice. Ten vectors of evaluation are presented within this article.

1. Lack of Inflation Controls and Productivity Enhancement

The absence of inflation controls in a Universal Basic Income (UBI) contrasts with the counter-cyclical nature of a job guarantee. The job guarantee is highly effective in mitigating the adverse effects of deflation and inflation. Therefore, it has been maintained that a UBI inherently contributes to inflation due to its injection of funds to consumers, which is not productivity linked to the economy. An equivalent increase in the production of goods and services does not accompany a UBI. The primary recipients are low-income individuals, as the existing capitalist system has already generated significant inequality. These individuals are more likely to spend the additional funds in the economy but may not contribute to producing goods and services. The prominence of financialisation in economic crises has already led to a rise in debt obligations without effectively enhancing the real economy’s production capacity in sectors that can be used to service the mounting debt. This phenomenon is particularly evident among affluent individuals who accumulate and horde income in offshore facilities. The provision of income to individuals with low incomes that do not effectively enhance productivity, unlike a Job Guarantee program, compounds these failings. Consequently, this approach may result in inevitable economic price increases, as corporate entities will likely exploit the increased income. This was evident in price gouging long after pandemic supply shocks abated.

2. Reinforcement of Structural Under-Class and Inequity Issues

Universal Basic Income (UBI) fails to promote job preparedness effectively and may contribute to prolonged unemployment. Protracted unemployment presents challenges due to the social and psychological consequences associated with extended periods of unemployment. Peter Warr outlines the detrimental effects on mental well-being, “typically described in terms of increased anxiety, depression, insomnia, irritability, lack of confidence, listlessness, and general nervousness” (Warr et al. Pg. 53). Clinical depression can manifest as early as three weeks, and individuals experiencing it for an extended period may exhibit declining and suboptimal psychological functioning.

It is worth noting that the government does not explicitly commit to achieving full employment, and even when it does strive for “full employment,” it does so within the confines of the flawed concept that restricts it to the Reserve Bank of Australia’s NAIRU (A predetermined level of acceptable unemployment purported to offset inflation). Parallel to the prevailing circumstances observed in Western societies, this phenomenon forms a hierarchical subpopulation dependent on a governing body’s benevolence, akin to individuals’ reliance on NewStart/JobSeeker in Australia on the “benevolence” of federal governments. The government and media often stigmatise individuals who rely on welfare as NEATS (Not in Education, Employment, or Training) and dole-bludgers, implying that the unemployed have willingly chosen not to seek employment. Universal Basic Income (UBI) aligns with the prevailing neoliberal discourse by acknowledging the existence of structural unemployment and insufficient salaries, thereby perpetuating ongoing inequality.

3. Subsidy for Private Businesses and Wage Deflation

Implementing a Universal Basic Income (UBI) does not exert any pressure on the private sector to enhance wages for the limited number of available jobs. The Job Guarantee compels the private sector to engage in competitive wage offerings to attract workers. On the contrary, a UBI could be perceived as a form of government assistance provided to private enterprises. Companies may reduce their labour expenditures due to the government providing a ‘basic income’. Implementing a UBI can result in wage deflation since companies may exploit this policy to justify decreasing employees’ compensation. Corporations motivated by the objective of increasing profits may promptly reduce remuneration to the labour force to minimise costs associated with their factors of production. Wage stagnation poses a significant concern in numerous Western nations, as the growth of wages has become disconnected from productivity advances over an extended time. Implementing this policy could potentially expedite the “Uberization of jobs” phenomenon since it would substantially subsidise companies. Consequently, employers may experience diminished incentives to provide a salary that ensures a decent standard of living relative to the inflation a UBI would trigger.

4. Insufficient Poverty Reduction and Neglect of Specific Needs

The effectiveness of a Universal Basic Income (UBI) in reducing poverty is not guaranteed, and the potential inflationary consequences discussed earlier could diminish the purchasing power of the income provided. In most nations, social welfare programs are often designed with means-testing mechanisms and are specifically aimed at assisting specific disabled individuals who are determined to be in need. Governments will typically treat Universal Basic Income (UBI) as a financial welfare replacement for targeted welfare programs that specifically cater to individuals requiring costly disability mitigating measures.

The unemployment rates among individuals with Downs syndrome are typically above 80%. A UBI does nothing to encourage them to seek employment opportunities where they so desire actively. A UBI could exacerbate their disability because it is insufficient to deal with needs inherent to mitigate their physical or social disadvantage. The UBI fails to adequately address the intrinsic needs that are more expensive. Inadequate payment will result in a heightened level of relative poverty for the receiver without the alleviation that an individual without disabilities could experience as an improvement to their standard of living. The long-term sustainability of an inflationary Universal Basic Income (UBI) is doubtful, even for those without disabilities. The UBI is not a poverty buffer stock like a Job Guarantee. Although not as significant, it can have implications for some income groups since it may result in a movement of individuals within higher taxation thresholds.

5. Lack of Dignity and Meaningful Engagement

Universal Basic Income (UBI) is characterised by treating individuals solely as consumption units. This reflects a perspective reminiscent of neo-liberal ideologies. In contrast, a Job Guarantee program offers a more dignified approach. It expands our societal understanding of what constitutes a paid occupation and assigns social significance to those now deemed unemployable by the private sector. The implication is that a UBI can be considered discriminatory since it creates divisions within society based on individuals earned or supplied income. The media often employs derogatory labels such as “Dole Bludgers,” “Welfare Queens,” “Freeloaders,” or “Lazy Bums” to refer to individuals receiving unemployment benefits. However, it is essential to note that the current economy does not offer adequate private job opportunities to accommodate the unemployed population, let alone those who are underemployed. There is a lack of evidence within societal and media contexts to suggest that these attitudes will undergo any transformation for the better.

6. Unconditional Income and Its Effects on Job Market

Universal Basic Income (UBI) is disbursed to individuals without any stipulation for employment or the need to be willing to work. The absence of conditions attached to UBI may result in certain persons declining employment opportunities due to its assurance of financial stability. The circumstance above may not necessarily be considered a drawback in workplaces with inadequate wages or workplace dysfunctionality. However, it is essential to note that implementing a minimum wage job guarantee exerts pressure on companies to offer improved salaries and working conditions. This motivation is comparatively diminished under a UBI system. Consequently, the economy may see a decline in productivity, potentially leading to inflationary pressures. This decline can be attributed to a subsequent reduction in the labour force and a fall in the availability of goods and services, resulting in a diminished social surplus within the market.

7. Psychological Benefits and Social Well-Being

Psychological benefits can be associated with active participation in a Job Guarantee program, which entails providing community-based employment opportunities sponsored by the federal government but deployed at the state and local levels. It can be tailored to the talents and preferences of the individuals involved. A paid, personally rewarding and socially appreciated job offers psycho-social advantages that a UBI cannot supply. When individuals are left to rely solely on their own resources and have minimal financial means, even though it may enhance their ability to survive, it may not enhance their willingness. A UBI without work can also contribute to a social disconnection that increases the likelihood of engaging in a lack of self-worth and drug and alcohol misuse. Engaging in regular job duties within a professional setting mitigates these challenges and fosters an enhanced perception of personal value, a facet that is not achieved through implementing a UBI.

8. Hobbies vs. Contributions to the Community

The concept of work pertains to activities performed on behalf of others, while hobbies refer to activities pursued for personal fulfilment. The proposition of utilising Universal Basic Income (UBI) to finance one’s pastime is argued by some proponents. It can be contended that this approach fosters self-indulgence without necessarily providing individuals with sufficient compensation for their societal contributions. Implementing a job guarantee program involves individuals in significant community initiatives, as the employment opportunities are specifically designed and executed within the local community context. Work is a contribution that has the potential to offer meaningful work opportunities, even to individuals who may face disadvantages. Various social enterprises, like Anglicare, Big Issue, Endeavour Packaging, and Clean Force Property Services, among others, exemplify these opportunities. The effectiveness of a UBI in facilitating socially inclined individuals to participate in beneficial community activities in a financially feasible manner will be contingent upon their capability, stability (both financial and otherwise), and inclination. The convergence of these characteristics to promote the societal benefit of UBI is expected to be more limited than normalised.

9. Dependency on Government Goodwill to address Inequity Issues

A Universal Basic Income (UBI) relieves the central government of its need to ensure substantial work opportunities, instead relying on the government’s benevolence to sustain fair payment levels to alleviate poverty. An analysis of the NewStart/JobSeeker program, pensions, and other social payments reveals a lack of willingness among Western governments to adopt these measures. The UBI has limited efficacy in addressing social and financial inequities due to its constrained potential for productivity growth, inflationary implications, and the potential for social exclusion. Moreover, there is a significant probability that the UBI may be implemented at a level below the poverty line, as evidenced by numerous existing welfare programs.

10. Universality versus Dignity-based income.

One of the primary contentions against implementing a UBI is providing financial resources to individuals who don’t require it. Instead of advocating for universality, it is argued that the provision of any basic Income should be subject to limitations. By implementing a “Dignified Basic Income” (DBI) primarily aimed at individuals who are physically or psychologically unable to engage in employment, the program can effectively prioritise assistance for those most in need of a social safety net. This focused strategy guarantees that resources are allocated to individuals with authentic requirements, hence diminishing income disparity and augmenting the overall effectiveness in mitigating poverty. By directing attention towards a Dignified Basic Income aimed at persons unable to participate in the workforce, it becomes possible to enhance the program’s cost management efficiency and ensure that resources are allocated to those who require them the most. Implementing this focused strategy enhances the program’s long-term sustainability by allocating resources towards individuals with distinct needs. This category encompasses those who experience severe disabilities, chronic illnesses, or other problems that impede their ability to engage in conventional forms of employment.

The proposition of a Job Guarantee or “Employer of Last Resort” (ELR) program is frequently advocated by heterodox economists to achieve complete employment. A DBI program designed for individuals who are physically or mentally unable to engage in employment can be a valuable addition to such a scheme. An accompanying focused DBI acknowledges each person’s inherent worth and significance, encompassing those unable to participate in employment. One potential benefit is the mitigation of social stigma commonly linked to receiving unemployment or disability benefits. The promotion of inclusion and compassion within society can be achieved by providing a decent income to individuals who cannot engage in the job market owing to actual constraints. Job Guarantee is for involuntary unemployment. It is imperative to establish a clear distinction between incapacity and unwillingness. A social welfare program such as a DBI should not be designed to support those who, of their own volition and without any mental internal or external constraints, opt in a parasitic manner (as might be typical of the leisure class) not to seek employment. This is yet another reason it should never be “Universal”.

Conclusion

Numerous esteemed individuals have passionately advocated for the potential benefits of introducing a Universal Basic Income as a viable remedy for the inadequacies of Newstart/Jobseeker and other subpar welfare initiatives. The objectives for these actions are rooted in progressive agendas that aim to address poverty and uplift individuals from the lower echelons of society. The objectives and devotion to the larger societal welfare are deserving of applause. There is a valid argument in favour of advocating for the augmentation of Newstart/Jobseeker allowances and social welfare payments and the reduction of substantial subsidies provided to wealthy people to foster a more resilient labour market. Nevertheless, asserting that a Universal Basic Income is how these objectives may be securely accomplished is a formula for disillusionment.

Journal References:

Warr, Peter, et al. “Unemployment and Mental Health: Some British Studies.” Journal of Social Issues, vol. 44, no. 4, Jan. 1988, pp. 47–68.

This article was originally published on AUSTRALIA AWAKEN – IGNITE YOUR TORCHES

By Denis Bright  

Decades ago – in 1951 – the ANZUS Pact promised ongoing consultations about strategic policies within the US Global Alliance. Now, from the elite surroundings of Queensland’s Government House in Brisbane, media statements from AUSMIN have taken everyone back to school days. Our elected leaders are now the principals in a frightening new age in which preparation for war is a key element in foreign and strategic policies (Joint Statement from AUSMIN 29 July 2023):

Minister for Foreign Affairs Penny Wong and Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Defence Richard Marles hosted the U.S. Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken and Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III on 29 July in Brisbane to advance the Australia-U.S. Alliance and their cooperation in the Indo-Pacific and globally. Building on the high tempo of engagement between leaders and ministers, including the meeting between Prime Minister Albanese and President Biden in May 2023, the Ministers and Secretaries (the principals) determined that the Alliance has never been stronger. Based on a bond of shared values, it remains a partnership of strategic interest – premised on a common determination to preserve stability, prosperity, and peace.

For our visiting US Principals, it seems that peace will be delivered by exporting cluster bombs to extend the war in Europe.

National sovereignty is always imperiled by unnecessary secrecy like the Treaty of London (1915) which moved Italy from neutrality to becoming a participant in the Great War (1914-18) at the instigation of the British Government.

Extracts from the Treaty of London 1915

ARTICLE 2. On her part, Italy undertakes to use her entire resources for the purpose of waging war jointly with France, Great Britain, and Russia against all their enemies.

ARTICLE 3. The French and British fleets shall render active and permanent assistance to Italy…

ARTICLE 11. Italy shall receive a share of any eventual war indemnity corresponding to their efforts and her sacrifices.

ARTICLE 13. In the event of France and Great Britain increasing their colonial territories in Africa at the expense of Germany, those two Powers agree in principle that Italy may claim some equitable compensation…

ARTICLE 14. Great Britain undertakes to facilitate the immediate conclusion, under equitable conditions, of a loan of at least 50,000,000 pounds…

ARTICLE 16. The present arrangement shall be held secret.

It would have been better for Italy if a brave Julian Assange from the era told the Italian people about the secret strategic deals with Britain in 1915. Italy’s involvement in the Great War brought family tragedies, mass immigration, financial ruin and the rise of fascism in its wake.

The current militarization of the global economy by potential friend and foe alike will ultimately be ended by accidental conflict or economic recession from burnt out commitments and distortion of investment flows globally. Going too far by Australian leaders risks schism in the Labor Movement as in the Great War or tensions within the Labor Party during the Cold War in the 1950s and more recently when New Zealand withdrew from the ANZUS Pact over visits by naval vessels that were either nuclear powered or carrying nuclear weapons or both in the 1980s.

If there is a chink in the armour of public support for Australia’s defence commitments to the US Global Alliance, it lies in medium and long-term concerns about the costs of the AUKUS defence commitments which are apparent in the Lowy Institute’s 2023 Polling.

The financial costs of the submarine deal is the real chink in favourable Australian public opinion towards more participation in the US Global Alliance.

Despite the outpouring of patriotic rhetoric at the launching event in Mobile, Alabama, Austal Limited Australia had not finalized its Australian taxation commitments from an annual revenue of $579.4 million in 2020-21 by 2 November 2022. The tax owing under review by the ATO was a paltry $28 million due to legalized tax minimization by the company’s accountants. Austal’s explanation of these processes is well covered in the 2022 Annual Report from Austal Australia which can easily be perused by interested readers.

Orders for AUKUS vessels and commitments to the QUAD Defence Arrangements will provide windfall revenue for the military and industrial complexes of Britain and the USA for a generation ahead until 2050. In the traditions of the original ANZUS Defence Alliance of 1951, our bipartisan strategic commitments were always consistent with adherence to the UN Charter and to open discussion of defence arrangements.

Behind the scenes intrigues by defence chiefs and intel services through their media releases are a quite inadequate substitute for these democratic consultations.

Hopes of US co-operation in releasing Julian Assange who is languishing in Belmarsh Prison in London while awaiting extradition to the USA to face charges for breaches of the US Espionage Act were dashed at the recent AUSMIN Meeting. Defence analyst Chelsea Manning who actually released the Pentagon documents to Julian Assange for publication had his charges commuted by President Obama in 2017.

These documents are largely in the public domain through sites like ChatGPT which can retrieve the gist of most items released but without adequate referencing by the AI robots at Opensystems in San Francisco. Readers can avail themselves of the resources of ChatGPT in the absence of full and frank media releases from Australian government strategic agencies.

Environmental risks of nuclear-powered ship visits to Australian ports also add to the policy dilemmas facing Australians.

It was the Morrison Government which welcomed the ageing French nuclear powered submarine to HMAS Stirling near Perth in late 2020 en route to naval manoeuvres near Guam and likely stealth operations in the South China Sea to test China’s maritime intelligence. Such manoeuvres in troubled waters are hazardous operations. This epic seven-month voyage to the Indo-Pacific Basin was well covered in this YouTube video.

The New York Times (31 March 1994) and other global media outlets of the nuclear accident involving the nuclear-powered submarine off Toulon. ChatGPT has a blind spot about the reporting of this incident from media monitoring:

Ten sailors died today in an accident aboard a French nuclear-propelled submarine that was taking part in naval exercises in the Mediterranean off Toulon, the Defense Ministry announced.

A ministry spokesman said that the Émeraude, a 2,400-ton Rubis-class attack submarine, did not carry nuclear missiles and that its 48-megawatt nuclear reactor was not damaged in the accident, which occurred when a burst pipe released high pressure steam into a turbine compartment.

“The steam is certainly not radioactive,” Rear Adm. Philippe Roy said at a news conference in the southern port city of Toulon this evening.

Hours after the accident, the navy recalled three other nuclear-propelled submarines — two from the Mediterranean and one from the Atlantic — pending an investigation. “We are recalling them because we are asking questions about what happened,” Admiral Roy said.

Since I covered this topic the WA State Police Minister’s Office has kindly provided details of protocols operating for the containment of accidents involving nuclear powered ship visits which possibly carry nuclear weapons under Don’t Ask Won’t Tell Protocols operating within the US Global Alliance. It was most appreciated when the Hon. Paul Papalia’s Perth office to provide this statement for the preparation of this article which has been added in its entirety:

The Commissioner of Police is the hazard Management Agency for Radiation Escape from a Nuclear-Powered Warship (NPW) as defined within the Emergency Management Regulations 2006. The Commissioner of Police holds the responsibility for ensuring all necessary actions and services are in place to protect the public in the event of radiation escape from a NPW. This includes coordinating emergency response efforts and taking appropriate measures to mitigate risks associated with radiation exposure.

To provide a comprehensive framework for managing this hazard, the State Hazard Plan (SHP)-HAZMAT Annex A Radiation Escape from a NPW has been developed. The SHP, along with other related plans, outlines the arrangements for managing various hazards within Western Australia.

To mitigate the risk of any collisions, the Western Australia (WA) Police Force provides an escort for NPWs while they are moving within port limits. This measure is take as part of the arrangements for visiting NPWs and aims to ensure the safety and security of both the ship and the surrounding area.

It is important to note the SHP contains unclassified material, consequently considerations of nuclear weapons are not part of the Visiting Ships Panel (Nuclear) administrative process. The WA Police Force is unable to provide further comment in relation to nuclear weapons.

Nuclear powered vessels from countries in the US Global Alliance have been visiting Australian ports since 1960. The details of these visits can be monitored on the web sites of the Australian Radiation Protection and Nuclear Safety Agency and the Departments of Defence itself in both Australian and the USA.

Specialist staff within DFAT will of course have access to some classified documents generated by the US Department of Defense and its related intel networks. To guard against the emergence of any new generation of Australians wishing to follow in the traditions of Chelsea Manning of Oklahoma, it is my understanding from personal communications from just one staff member on my reporting rounds for AIM Network that personal phones and communication systems are all monitored by local intel services and probably by overseas agencies as well.

Whilst ChatGPT is tightening up on the topics on which it is able to release information, it can still provide a wealth of anecdotal information to assist in the reporting of hearsay on strategic and intelligence matters. Reporters can work on this anecdotal information by perusing reliable documents in the public domain such as annual reports of companies within the global military industrial complexes.

Like the manufacturers of lethal weapons during the Great War, not all corporate data can be withheld from potential investors and curious members of the general public. Corporations here and overseas will make windfall profits from defence contracts. ChatGPT could offer these details of key defence companies operating in Australia:

US Companies operating in Australia who are likely to gain from international strategic tensions include:

Inquisitive readers can easily check which prominent Australian family is a big shareholder in Austal Limited which manufactured the USS Canberra in Mobile, Alabama prior to its commissioning in Sydney on 22 July 2023. With so many millions to spare, this family is a prominent investor in the Ukrainian Development Fund with just a small holding of US $500 million.

More than a century ago during the Great War (1914-18) peace initiatives were by-passed because both sides of the conflict in Europe hope for strategic advantages from continuing the fighting. These peace initiatives involved the Vatican under Pope Benedict XV and ultimately diplomatic engagement between the warring parties in 1916-17.

More than a century later, Pope Francis has authorized his peace envoy in Cardinal Matteo Zuppi of Bologna to visit Washington, Kiev, Moscow and Beijing to sound out the possibilities for an end to the current conflicts with colleagues from the Vatican secretariat of state. As in the Great War, initial efforts are on behalf of the civilian victims of warfare. These efforts became mainstream in the Great War as noted by Philip Zelikow in his book for the US Woodrow Wilson Institute.

The Road Less Travelled: The Secret Battle to End the Great War, 1916-1917

For more than five months, from August 1916 to the end of January 1917, leaders from the United States, Britain, and Germany held secret peace negotiations in an attempt to end the Great War. They did so far out of public sight – one reason why their effort, which came astonishingly close to ending the war and saving millions of lives, is little understood today. In The Road Less Travelled.

As Australia is not a current non-permanent member of the UN Security Council, our immediate efforts for some token welfare support for the victims of war can be made through the efforts of NZ’s UN Ambassador Carolyn Schwalger (NZ Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade). NZ is still officially outside the US Global Alliance but is kept well in the loop by the Australian Government.

Supporting governments which are involved in the use of cluster bombs to counter Russian aggression against Ukraine is dramatically at odds with the values of the broader Labor Movement and this opposition should be taken up by delegates from the progressive wings of the Labor Party within the National Conference. Supporters of lobbyists from the commercial military industrial complexes across the US Global Alliance have no affinity with Labor Values and should be exposed by committed delegates who believe in peace and disarmament.