By Tracie Aylmer
A while ago I did some research on mining companies, as well as Broadspectrum (when it was called Transfield). The research was able to link the Liberal, National and Labor parties with lobbyists, which was then linked to clients of the lobbyists. Below is what I found, at around October 2015. It would still be relevant today.
The links show the name of lobbyists and who their clients are. Someone on a page I follow shared this link several months ago in their search on Peter Reith and G4S from the time he was a minister in parliament. He received funds from G4S while still sitting in parliament. That of course is where it all started. I then did a search on “Transfield” as a client, and found this. This link has since been updated, with Broadspectrum being another of Premier First State’s clients.
When I did a search on Premier First State, I found out that MIchael Photios (an ex member of parliament in NSW government and a power force in the LNP) is a driving force of this consulting company. I found out some of his dealings, and the fact that one of his ex clients was very unhappy with him. This link shows that Michael Photios receives funds from the government as well as the client. He also donates to Liberal and the National parties, and has done so over more than a few years.
The donations of Premier First State for the 2013/14 year can be found here, and the donations of Capital Hill Advisory for the 2013/14 year can be found here. There are quite a few thousands of dollars being shifted to the political parties from both companies that Michael Photios is responsible for.
In the meantime, as discussed with Tom Coburg late last year, Transfield (now Broadspectrum) paid donations to Liberal, National AND Labor parties over the course of several years.
In a previous life I used to work in accounts clerical roles. Within the office, I was a Jill of all trades – completing reception, administration, secretarial and accounting roles over the space of nearly two decades. In addition, I also have a commerce degree, along with my postgraduate Juris Doctor. Researching where and how the transactions have taken place with the political parties, lobbyists and clients has been quite a nice challenge for me. Uncovering corruption is something that I thrive on, as I believe everyone has a right to accountability of our politicians.
When taking a closer look at how the transactions to the political parties have taken effect, I have found something worth noting. The payments to the political parties are stagnated. If one looks closely at the AEC disclosure form from, as an example, Premier First State, payments were made to different offices of the Liberal and National parties, instead of wholly going to the head office.
Whilst I am not suggesting that the donations are going directly into the politician’s pocket, one could easily assume so. Not only are the payments stagnated, but so are the dates of payment. If one can keep track of some type of success that a certain politician has given one of the clients, it could appear that the funds are payments towards successes.
After checking out Transfield, I also decided to see what effect other companies would have on policies. I researched AGL Limited, a company that has paid Labor, Liberal and the Nationals for quite some time in donations. In this, at one stage, I found that AGL had paid the Labor party twice in one day, on 31 December 2013. This rang bells in my mind, due to my previous experience in accounts payable. Large companies need a purchase order to pay an account. They do not pay without a purchase order. It would not make sense to pay the some organisation two amounts in one day unless there was a purchase order with different account numbers. Otherwise, there would have only been one payment made, even with several purchase orders for the same account.
Logic can therefore dictate that the amounts given in donations are directed towards particular politicians. Since many of the payments made can be considered to be outside of election time, it appears that the amounts given were in accordance to legislation for the benefit of the company being passed. As an example of this, AGL Limited paid both Labor Queensland and Liberal Queensland several amounts of money in January 2015. Upon reading the Hansard transcripts for the date of 26 November 2014, it appears that legislation for the benefit of AGL passed on this date. I am sure that similar amounts of funds will end up with NSW Labor, Liberal and National parties towards the end of last year from AGL, for voting for coal seam gas to operate within that state on 21 October 2015.
For Transfield/Broadspectrum, funds, the amount of donations during 2014/15 have been $0. Considering how many billions of dollars they are being paid to run the offshore detention gulags, this could be considered a strange amount. Page 5 of Transfield’s End of Financial Year to 2015 results show that they have “$17 billion in active contract opportunities in pipeline, with another $38 billion of identified leads”. In addition, the organisation believes that “Approximately 90% of H2 FY2015 revenue already contracted”. Transfield/Broadspectrum are in nearly every government portfolio, so there logically is another way for organisations to donate to politicians.
It appears that Transfield are the ones who dictate immigration and defence policy, not the other way around. They made sure that they received the new contract, because that is Michael Photios’ job. They are also ensuring that they pay little tax, as noted in their financial statement. Millions of dollars are all of a sudden going overseas, thereby ensuring that dividends are not paid to members, and little tax is paid to the ATO.
Another example is in relation to the ‘healthy welfare card’ being rolled out; I found this connection. Doing a search from the lobbyists.pmc.gov.au site showed me that this consulting company is in the ACT. The main person involved in this used to be a senior defence employee. One of his clients is Fortescue Metals for which Twiggy Forrest was very enthusiastic towards the healthy welfare card. Since this lobbyist’s job is to give the client what he wants, I’m guessing the reason why the healthy welfare card particularly targeting the Indigenous is because of Forrest.
He was particularly interested in ensuring that the Indigenous in remote communities used the healthy welfare card, with the potential that he could manipulate them to eventually force them off their land. He has used similar tactics in the past, when he salivated over land that wasn’t his, and used any and every method to force them into accepting minimal compensation. His dirty tactics are very well known amongst the Indigenous in Western Australia. Still, the healthy welfare card is now being rolled out, due to amended legislation in the Australian Parliament. Again, Fortescue is another company that does not appear to pay any donations to any political parties.
Labor is not exempt from receiving political donations from lobbyists or from other clients. While many believe that Labor only receives donations from Unions, this is not the whole murky story. It’s just that they don’t receive AS MANY donations as the Liberal or National parties do.
So basically this means that the main political parties are profiting from the organisations, and it is only a matter of time before we find out how the politicians themselves are profiting. Large multinational corporations cannot hide their donations forever, even if they are hiding from the AEC at this point in time. Whilst I understand that amended legislation should force the richest corporations to hand over their tax affairs, of course they are taking their own sweet time as they have an enormous amount to hide. Tony Abbott’s request for Ian Macfarlane to be treated kindly by the mining companies upon retirement shows there is even more evidence to sift through, when the time is right.
All of this proves that not only can we not afford corporations, but we also cannot afford the politicians on most sides of the spectrum.
Also by Tracie Aylmer: