Who is really Henry Kissinger?

By Dr George Venturini

Heinz Alfred ‘Henry’ Kissinger obtained a Ph.D. at Harvard University in 1954. His interest was on Castelreagh and Metternich – two empire builders. He devoted his life to sublimate them.

In an incendiary, studiedly defamatory book the late Christopher Hitchens described him as “a mediocre and opportunist academic [intent on] becoming an international potentate. The signature qualities were there from the inaugural moment: the sycophancy and the duplicity; the power worship and the absence of scruple; the empty trading of old non-friends for new non-friends. And the distinctive effects were also present: the uncounted and expendable corpses; the official and unofficial lying about the cost; the heavy and pompous pseudo-indignation when unwelcome questions were asked. Kissinger’s global career started as it meant to go on. It debauched the American republic and American democracy, and it levied a hideous toll of casualties on weaker and more vulnerable societies.”

The story is all here: from the martyrdom of Indochina to becoming the real backchannel to Moscow on behalf of his new client: Donald Trump.

Editor’s note: This outstanding series by Dr Venturini is published bi-weekly (Wednesdays and Saturdays). Today we publish Part Three. Here is the link to Part Two; One of the most evil individuals alive.

Who is really Henry Kissinger?

One could well ask.

Born as Heinz Alfred Kissinger in Fürth, Bavaria, Germany in 1923, during the Weimar Republic, to a traditional German Jewish family, Henry’s father was a schoolteacher, and surely that was a major part of him becoming a bit of an academic.

Kissinger was not the family’s surname originally, but had been adopted many years before, in 1817 by Henry’s great-great grandfather Meyer Löb, after the Bavarian spa town of Bad Kissingen. The Kissingers could see and feel the turbulent political weather in Germany during the 1930s, and in 1938 they wisely moved to London, England, before disembarking in New York on 5 September that year.

Henry adopted the culture of the United States readily and quickly, but to hear Dr. Kissinger speak is to realise that he never lost his Frankish German accent.

After leaving high school Kissinger enrolled in the City College of New York to study accounting. Meanwhile he worked part-time in an old-fashioned shave brush factory to help pay his bills. He excelled academically. However his studies were interrupted when he was drafted into the army in 1943.

In the army the future Dr. Kissinger would meet another very talented German immigrant named Fritz Kraemer, and because both of them were very fluent in German, their talents were in great demand. Kraemer was instrumental to Kissinger being re-assigned to the military intelligence of his division. Kissinger saw combat with the division, and volunteered for hazardous intelligence duties during the Battle of the Bulge. During the American advance into Germany, private Kissinger was put in charge of the administration of the city of Krefeld, owing to lack of German speakers on the division’s intelligence staff. Within eight days he had established a civilian administration. There is more than an impression that he dealt with occupied Germans with a considerable degree of severity, a tinge of revenge, and at time hostility – which may be explained by his experience of the German regime. Kissinger was then reassigned to the Counter Intelligence Corps, with the rank of sergeant. He was given charge of a team in Hanover assigned to tracking down Gestapo officers and possible saboteurs. He performed with zeal and enthusiasm, and in recognition he was awarded the Bronze Star.

In 1945 Kissinger was made commandant of the Bensheim metro Counter Intelligence Corps detachment, Bergstrasse district of Hesse, with responsibility for de-Nazification of the district. In that position he had absolute authority and powers of arrest. Again, it is not certain that he was fair and only took care to avoid abuses against the local population by his command.

In 1946 Kissinger was reassigned to teach at the European Command Intelligence School at Camp King, continuing to serve in this role as a civilian employee following his separation from the army.

Following his very worthy and appreciated service in the second world war, Kissinger returned to the United States and enrolled at Harvard College. He received an A.B. degree summa cum laude from Harvard College in 1950. He received an M.A. and later a Ph.D. at Harvard University in 1951 and 1954, respectively. In 1952, while still studying at Harvard, he served as a consultant to the director of the Psychological Strategy Board. His doctoral dissertation was titled ‘Peace, legitimacy, and the equilibrium (A study of the statesmanship of Castlereagh and Metternich)’.

Kissinger remained at Harvard as a member of the faculty in the Department of Government. In 1955 he was a consultant to the National Security Council’s Operations Coordinating Board. During 1955 and 1956 he was also study director in nuclear weapons and foreign policy at the Council on Foreign Relations. He published his book Nuclear weapons and foreign policy the following year. From 1956 to 1958 he worked for the Rockefeller Brothers Fund as director of its Special Studies Project. He was director of the Harvard Defense Studies Program between 1958 and 1971. He was also director of the Harvard International Seminar between 1951 and 1971. Outside of academia, he served as a consultant to several government agencies and think tanks, including the Operations Research Office, the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, Department of State, and the Rand Corporation.

Keen to have a greater influence on U.S. foreign policy, eager to influence U.S. foreign policy which would ultimately lead to the destruction of the United States from within, Kissinger would team up with like-minded anti American Americans such as Nelson Rockefeller, then the matchlessly prince of the Republican Party and Governor of New York. At the time Kissinger displayed a solemn contempt for the person and policies of Richard Nixon. He became an advisor to Rockefeller and supported his bid for the Republican nomination for president in 1960, 1964 and 1968. Yet, after Richard Nixon won the presidency in 1968, he made Kissinger National Security Advisor. Nixon knew what he was doing: he knew that, in the future, whenever he needed a consilium sceleris Kissinger would be available, superbly qualified. Hitchens summed up the “signature qualities”: “the sycophancy and the duplicity; the power worship and the absence of scruple; the empty trading of old non-friends for new non-friends. And the distinctive effects were also present: the uncounted and expendable corpses; the official and unofficial lying about the cost; the heavy and pompous pseudo-indignation when unwelcome questions were asked.”

Kissinger was on his way to becoming the ultimate globalist philosopher – the kind of man who ultimately is an anti-patriot, a hater of the rights and the culture of the nation which so easily and lovingly adopted his family when they fled the Nazis.

Kissinger debauched the American republic and American democracy, and levied a hideous toll of casualties on weaker and more vulnerable societies.

As professor Grandin writes: “As a public official, Kissinger repeatedly mocked the principle of sovereignty. It was he who said of Salvador Allende’s election: “I don’t see we need to stand by and watch a country go communist due to the irresponsibility of its people. The issues are much too important for the Chilean voters to be left to decide for themselves.” (G. Grandin, Kissinger’s shadow: The long reach of America’s most controversial statesman (Metropolitan Books, New York 2015, at 202).

Kissinger rarely invoked democracy as a rationale for either advocating for military intervention which resulted, either primarily or secondarily, in the death of hundreds and hundreds of thousands of people – in Vietnam, in Cambodia, in Laos, in Angola, in Bangladesh, in Latin America, in Timor Leste, anywhere in the pursuit of American interests.

And in that pursuit he would feel bound by no limit. He became obsessed with the idea that Vietnamese intransigence could be traced to allies or resources external to Vietnam itself, or could be overcome by tactics of mass destructions – the unrelenting but unsuccessful bombing. At one point he contemplated using thermonuclear weapons to obliterate the pass through which ran the railway link from North Vietnam to China, and at another stage he considered bombing the dikes which prevented North Vietnam’s irrigation system from flooding the country, as a former aid testified: Roger Morris, Uncertain greatness: Henry Kissinger and American foreign policy (Harper & Row, New York 1977).

In his position he would betray the citizens of the United States in favour of the New World Order.

From the influence with the governor of one of the nation’s most populous and wealthy states, Kissinger would then leap into the least credible or honest presidential administration in United States history. During the war in Vietnam Kissinger prepared the Paris peace negotiations with (North) Vietnam in Paris for President Lyndon B. Johnson, a Democrat. In the fall of 1968 Richard Nixon and some of his emissaries and underlings set out to sabotage the negotiations. Nixon’s team was led by John Mitchell, who would become his Attorney General – but subsequently Prisoner Number 24171-157 in the Alabama correctional system. The means they chose were simple: they privately assured the South Vietnamese military rulers that an incoming Republican regime would offer them a better deal than would a Democratic one.

In this way, they undercut both the talks themselves and the electoral strategy of Vice President Hubert Humphrey.

Simultaneously Kissinger involved himself in the undermining of the Paris talks – had they been successful, they would have resulted in a peace treaty which would have ended the Vietnam War in 1968. That would have also meant that Vice President Hubert Humphrey would have ridden the euphoria over an end to the war to victory over Nixon in that year’s presidential election. Kissinger employed an old China tool, Mrs. Anna Chan Chennault, known to all as ‘The Dragon Lady’, a prominent Asian-American politician of the Republican Party, to persuade the South Vietnamese government not to sign the treaty. She arranged the contact with South Vietnamese Ambassador Bui Diem whom Richard Nixon met in secret in July 1968 in New York. It was through Chennault’s intercession that Republicans advised Saigon to refuse participation in the talks, promising a better deal once elected. Records of F.B.I. wiretaps show that Chennault phoned Bui Diem on 2 November 1968 with the message “hold on, we are gonna win.” The tactic worked, the South Vietnamese withdrew from the talks on the eve of the election. On the other hand, it did not work, because four years later the Nixon administration would settle the war on the same terms which had been offered in Paris. Before the elections President Johnson “suspected … Richard Nixon, of political sabotage” and he called it treason. Kissinger was essentially responsible for such ‘treason’; it was he the informant who passed on to the South Vietnamese the details about the negotiations to the Nixon campaign. Richard Nixon himself provided that information in RN: The memoirs of Richard Nixon (Macmillan, South Melbourne, Vic., 1978. (Incidentally, every beginning American law student knows that the Logan Act, enacted on 30 January 1799, was intended to prohibit United States citizens without authority from interfering in relations between the United States and foreign governments. The Act makes it a felony, punishable by a fine or imprisonment of up to three years, if an American citizen, without government authorisation, interacts “with any foreign government or any officer or agent thereof, with intent to influence the measures or conduct of any foreign government or of any officer or agent thereof, in relation to any disputes or controversies with the United States, or to defeat the measures of the United States.” There appear to have been no prosecutions under the Act in its more than 200-year history. The resignation under pressure on 13 February 2017 of President Trump’s national security adviser, formerly a U.S. Army lieutenant general, Michael T. Flynn, centring on the F.B.I.’s scrutiny of his phone calls in late 2016 with the Russian ambassador, Sergey I. Kislyak reactivated for a short while an interest in the Act. How scoundrel times remain the same!).

Because of Nixon’s victory the Vietnam war was needlessly prolonged for years. Correctly Hitchens concluded: “The reason for the dead silence that still surrounds the question is that, in those intervening four years, some twenty thousand Americans and an uncalculated number of Vietnamese, Cambodian and Laotians lost their lives. Lost them, that is to say, even more pointlessly than had those slain up to that point. The impact of those four years on Indochinese society, and on American democracy, is beyond computation. The chief beneficiary of the covert action, and of the subsequent slaughter, was Henry Kissinger.” (C. Hitchens, The trial of Henry Kissinger (The Text Publishing Co., Melbourne 2001, at 7) – resulting in the loss of tens of thousands of more US lives – and hundreds of thousands of Vietnamese, Cambodian and Laotian lives.

Soon after Nixon won the election in 1968, Kissinger changed sides and became Nixon’s closest foreign policy adviser. Richard Nixon must have surely seen a kindred spirit in Kissinger – he made him National Security Advisor in 1969. He was then elevated to

Secretary of State, and after Nixon was publicly humiliated and forced to resign in disgrace on 9 August 1974, Kissinger would remain as Secretary of State under Gerald Ford.

From 1969 to 1977 Henry Kissinger was perhaps the single most dominant individual in United States foreign policy, and he did orchestrate some nice manoeuvres to deal with the Soviet Russia and Communist China.

Kissinger had no part in starting the war in Vietnam, but he appeared to make grand efforts to end it, and for that he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, despite his orchestrated cease fire being largely ineffective.

As National Security Advisor, in 1974 Kissinger directed the much-debated ‘National Security Study Memorandum 200’ – and this is a document and/or plan which was anything but peaceful.

If one studies the no longer classified document, one will find the policies of Nobel Peace Prize Kissinger anything but peaceful. One will rather discover the more cold and deterministic towards protecting the wealthy with their wealth, because the ultimate goal has always been a global governance ran by the super wealthy oligarchs whom Kissinger admires so much.

One should read the following passage and note the use of the keyword ‘exploitation’: “The U.S. economy will require large and increasing amounts of minerals from abroad, especially from less developed countries [see: National Commission on Materials Policy, Towards a National Materials Policy: Basic Data and Issues, April 1972].

That fact gives the U.S. enhanced interest in the political, economic, and social stability of the supplying countries.

Wherever a lessening of population pressures through reduced birth rates can increase the prospects for such stability, population policy becomes relevant to resource supplies and to the economic interests of the United States …

The location of known reserves of higher-grade ores of most minerals favors increasing dependence of all industrialized regions on imports from less developed countries.

The real problems of mineral supplies lie, not in basic physical sufficiency, but in the politico-economic issues of access, terms for exploration and exploitation, and division of the benefits among producers, consumers, and host country governments” (in Chapter III-Minerals and Fuel).

There is no possible way that one could hash out all the crimes against humanity perpetrated through the ‘philosophy’ of Henry Kissinger as well as has the late Christopher Hitchens already.

“What I find very interesting is how the Jewish Dr. Kissinger regarded the plight of Jews in then Soviet Russia. On March 1, 1973, Kissinger stated:

“The emigration of Jews from the Soviet Union is not an objective of American foreign policy, and if they put Jews into gas chambers in the Soviet Union, it is not an American concern. Maybe a humanitarian concern.”

That is merely a statement, and of course scores of persons say a thing and then their actions show another ideology altogether, but it is a very interesting statement in light of the fact that Dr. Kissinger’s deeds seem to have forever been pro-Israel while at the same time being anti-American.

Perhaps Dr. Kissinger made that very cold statement in light of Richard Nixon’s handling of the U.S. policy towards Israel. Nixon had forbidden anyone Jewish from being involved in the U.S. policy towards Israel, or perhaps Kissinger is truly that cold hearted.

Henry Kissinger and his political philosophy affected not just Israel, but the entire globe, often mass murder and subversion of democratically elected governments was the order of the day, and though Henry Kissinger is no longer an active member of our official federal government, Henry lives on, as an elderly man that eats despite believing or stating that the elderly are useless eaters.

His globe expanding vision of subversive machinations in favor of oligarchy have made him infamous, and synonymous with evil.

The world is a fickle world, and the wealthy have their way always with misinformed persons in the populace.

Exploitation and subversion for oligarchy was long the ways and means of these United States under the influence of Kissinger – but today, the circle is complete, and the peoples of the United States are reaping their own harvest for being so blind, and today the people’ s of the U.S. are being exploited in the exact ways prescribed a couple decades ago by the tremendous Dr. Henry Kissinger.”

Next installment Saturday: ‘Consigliere’

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Dr. Venturino Giorgio (George) Venturini, formerly an avvocato at the Court of Appeal of Bologna, devoted some sixty years to study, practice, teach, write and administer law at different places in four continents.

 

 

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