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Eva is a freelance writer with a keen interest in legal, social justice and community matters, particularly where they intertwine with politics. She holds a Bachelor of Laws degree with First Class Honours, Graduate Diploma in Legal Practice (Distinction) and a Bachelor of Social Science, majoring in Social Justice and Behavioural Science. Eva enjoys fighting politically expedient populism and is commited to empowering Australians to participate in democracy. She’s also a mother to three young children and lives in Tasmania.

Cashless Welfare Card – an insult to all Australians

Australians are fortunate in many ways. Despite the best efforts of the Abbott Government to further marginalise vulnerable people, the majority of the population lives in relative safety, has a home to live in, access to education and employment and self-efficacy. However that minority, who are not so fortunate for whatever reason, now face a further disgraceful attack on their autonomy, independence, and ability for self-determination.

From February 2016, welfare recipients in the town of Ceduna in South Australia will start a trial of the Cashless Welfare Card.

It sounds innocuous enough. Most fortunate Australians have no real need for cash these days. Most people use debit or credit cards to pay for living expenses and basic necessities. And most bills can be paid by direct debit or electronic transfer. Apart from the odd parking meter coin or spare change for the kids’ pocket money, it is possible to get by almost exclusively without cash.

It is not the concept of a cashless card that is in issue. Rather, it is the motivation behind the cashless card, and the assumptions of irresponsibility of the holders, that makes it so sinister.

The aim of the cashless card is to prevent welfare recipients gambling or buying alcohol or drugs. The intention is that eventually, the card will apply to every adult, irrespective of their socio-economic or demographic status, who happens to be on welfare. It has been promoted as a way to stop alcohol fuelled violence and abuse of women and children – an absurd insinuation that this violence is solely the domain of welfare recipients.

Ceduna appears to be the perfect community to trial the card. There is no doubt whatsoever that Ceduna has a problem with alcohol use and abuse. An ABC interview from August 2013 highlights significant issues with Indigenous people ‘drinking themselves to death’. Since 1988 the centre of Ceduna has been a ‘dry zone’, but unsurprisingly, this has not stopped the problem.

Throwing his full support and enthusiasm behind the first official trial of the card, Parliamentary Secretary to the Prime Minister Alan Tudge reported that hospitalisation from assault in Ceduna is now 68 times the national average, and last year there were 4,500 admissions to the sobering up centre – in a community of 4000 people. So the Government has negotiated with local Ceduna community representatives, who have agreed that restricting access to cash is a great solution to ‘breaking the cycle’ of alcoholism. Those on welfare will have 80% of their payments quarantined, leaving access to between $60 – $150 a week in cash.

This may sound reasonable to some people. $60 – $150 would surely cover parking, pocket money and spare change for the vending machine. And there clearly is a problem in Ceduna. A problem largely restricted to those on welfare. A problem involving alcohol. Perhaps reducing cash would help.

Or perhaps not.

In 2013, the Mayor, Allan Suter is reported to have wanted an income management plan to restrict access to alcohol. And Mayor Suter, along with Tudge and the ultra-privileged, mining identity Andrew ‘Twiggy’ Forrest, who recommended the cashless card, have opted for the most easily available but fundamentally flawed assumption that alcohol is the cause of all the problems.

Stop the alcohol, stop the abuse.

Stop the alcohol, stop the deaths.

Stop the alcohol, stop the crippling poverty, disadvantage and discrimination suffered by so many in the Indigenous community.

And suddenly it becomes clear why the cashless welfare card is nothing but a hideous and unworkable solution to addressing the devastating consequences of alcohol abuse and violence. It fails to consider the root of the issues.

In 2013, Ceduna Aboriginal Community Leader, John Isgar said:

“People who don’t get educations, people who can’t transition into work, people who can’t fund and maintain their own economies and look after their own families are gonna find something else to do. I mean, if you got up in the morning and had nothing to do, why wouldn’t you go and have a grog?”

The cashless welfare card is nothing but a restrictive, paternalistic sledge-hammer response to dealing with problems that do not stem from alcohol or drug abuse at all. It is a Band-Aid solution to treat a symptom of a failed society. The cashless card does nothing to address the lack of hope, lack of opportunity, and lack of pride in self and community. It does nothing to empower the most vulnerable and marginalised people to make their own good decisions and choices.

The majority of people on welfare are not chronic drug abusers, alcoholics or gambling addicts. But many people on welfare are vulnerable, disadvantaged, and facing discrimination. They are facing outright hostility from the Abbott Government and his ministers, with labels of ‘leaners’ and ‘bludgers.

The cashless welfare card is a blatant attempt to further shame and demonise welfare recipients. It perpetuates the idea that the poor are sucking the nation dry with their dependency on the rich. The Government rhetoric favours the ‘lifters versus leaners’, ‘rich versus poor’, ‘bludgers versus workers’ mentality which works against a fair, inclusive and supportive society.

For many recipients, welfare is not a choice, but a necessity. Unemployment is currently at 6% – people cannot just ‘go out and get a job’. Welfare recipients include single parents, students, those with a disability, and older and long-term unemployed who find it increasingly harder to get back into the workforce. Many people on welfare payments have jobs but are still hovering around the poverty line.

The cashless welfare card is a reactive and controlling response to the serious, but relatively small occurrence of some welfare recipients’ dependency on alcohol or drugs – a dependency that stems from deep rooted and entrenched issues within the community and has nothing to do with the availability of cash. The card does nothing to address the issue of employed people who engage in alcohol and drug fuelled violence and crime. Or the significant health issues and costs to society of alcohol and drug abuse in general.

The very concept of the cashless welfare card punishes all Australians who rely, even temporarily, on welfare by labelling them irresponsible and untrustworthy. It reinforces feelings of worthlessness and helplessness already experienced by those struggling to get by below the poverty line. It disgustingly infers that restricting cash to the most vulnerable and disadvantaged people will stop the scourge and very real threat of domestic violence.

So what will happen in Ceduna? Any decrease in crime and abuse, reduction in visible signs of poverty and reduced rates of alcoholism will be lauded as a massive success for the trial. Any increase in crime, abuse, alcoholism and poverty will be seen as an indication that cash should be further restricted.

And all the while, the Government cuts funding to community support centres and drug and alcohol programs that offer a real chance to improve the lives of Australians.

 

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“Where is your spine, Mr Shorten?”

Dear Mr Shorten,

I don’t actually know why I afford you the respect of addressing you by title, since you clearly have no respect for the Australian people. You demonstrably have no respect for humanity.

Have you lost your mind?

Do you really think that turning back the boats saves lives? Are you so ridiculously naive that you can’t see what Abbott is doing? I understand that you’re nervous about Abbott leveraging popularity off your own dull and uncharismatic public persona. But why would you betray your party and the Australians who were hanging onto the last hope that at least the ALP would not be sending desperate people back to certain death for the sake of appeasing the lowest common denominator?

Where is your spine, Mr Shorten?

Yes, I afforded you once against a smidgen of respect that you clearly don’t deserve. But I will not lower myself to your own level of weakness and gutter politics by publicly expressing just how I feel about your monstrous anti-humanitarian backflip.

Let’s just look at the ALP principles.

“Labor is for being a good global citizen”.

Sure. Sure it is, Mr Shorten. Maybe when you weren’t in charge.

Being a good global citizen does not mean renouncing your international obligations in favour of a petty, vindictive and nasty war with Abbott on who can be the cruelest to the most vulnerable people in the international community.

“Labor has a proud tradition of standing up for the freedom and rights of others in the world.”

Has? It had. Before you were in charge, Mr Shorten. Or should I say before your predecessor, Kevin Rudd tried to out-Abbott Abbott and adopt the harshest of asylum seeker policies in an attempt to win the unlosable election in 2013.

Have you forgotten just how that turned out, Mr Shorten?

Or perhaps you blame the messy and completely undignified leadership spill for Labor’s destruction.

The stench of your involvement in that sordid affair tainted your reputation long before you showed yourself to be the lily-livered weakling of a leader that you have so obviously revealed yourself to be. Not only were you involved, but you lied about your involvement.

Lied.

Do you think that because the Australian public are mocking Abbott for his lies that it’s acceptable for you to act without integrity? For all those loudly screaming at the damage Abbott is doing to Australia’s international reputation, there are thousands more quietly seething.

There is one thing the ALP absolutely is to blame for. Abbott being Prime Minister.

And now your pitiful and completely unbelievable excuse for adopting Abbott’s vile boat turnback policy is that you’re motivated to see fair treatment of refugees.

“All of the people in this debate, in the Labor party, are motivated by wanting to see fair treatment of refugees.”

Some of the people are, Mr Shorten. But not you. The ALP members who have not discarded their morals, sense of justice and compassion.

“I want to see us do our fair share to help refugees and help the challenges people face when displaced from their own countries.”

What nonsense you speak. You do not even believe your own words.

“But I also think we have an obligation to make sure that people are safe.”

Because turning back boats makes people safe? All it does, Mr Shorten, is stop those desperate people landing on Australian shores or drowning in Australian waters. But you don’t care what happens to them elsewhere, do you, Mr Shorten. As long as you can pretend to be tough. Pretend. Even Abbott and Dutton don’t believe you.

I understand the ALP National Conference is this weekend. I sincerely hope your colleagues remind you of your position. I hope the ALP can stand up for its traditional principles of fairness.

I hope you finally show strength, courage and integrity, Mr Shorten, and resign.

Sincerely,

Eva Cripps

 

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“What about my rights?”

It would be easy to assume that the Government of a country founded on democratic principles and the rule of law would have a semblance of respect for basic rights. That assumption would be incorrect. Rights are simple things. But often conflicting. One person’s right to hold a booze-fuelled orgy in their garden might well offend the neighbour’s right to quiet and peaceful enjoyment of their own property. As a result, laws have been introduced over the centuries to achieve a balance between personal freedoms and a generally cohesive and functioning society.

What are rights?

A basic definition is this: “a moral or legal entitlement to have or do something.”

Rights are almost always balanced by responsibilities and obligations. People have a right to use the road, but they also have the responsibility to not injure themselves and an obligation to not endanger other road users. People have a right not to be punched in the face, but have a corresponding obligation to not punch other people. Of course, as people fail to recognise responsibilities and obligations, while still demanding their own rights be respected, law-makers increasingly introduce laws to attempt to protect the public from its own stupidity and mitigate basic human nature.

Over the past few decades in all areas of governance, the balance between freedoms and obligations has skewed towards increased government control of the population for the alleged ‘greater public good’, and at the expense of personal liberties.

This has led to a society full of people who expect, nay demand, the government protect them. In return for this protection, and in so protecting, the government has removed more and more fundamental freedoms through harsher, stricter and fear-inspired laws. All promoted to keep the public safe. And this in turn has made the public more dependent on the Government to protect them, thus accepting whatever law is proposed no matter the consequences to basic rights.

There have been anti-bikie laws, anti-association laws, anti-terror laws, anti-protest laws, anti-hoon laws, anti-party laws, mandatory data retention laws, border protection laws, ‘one-punch’ laws. Laws (and further laws proposed) to banish people from Australia where they don’t comply with the ideological or political views of the rulers, or conform to standard norms. These laws almost certainly come with arbitrary detention and mandatory minimum sentences. They undermine the basic protections for the innocent; the right to a fair trial, presumption of innocence until proven guilty and equality before the law.

Successive state and federal governments have enacted more and more repressive legislation under the guise of saving people from over-amplified threats; be it to themselves, their family or the entire nation. And in doing so, it has completely undermined the very freedom it is attempting to protect.

In each case, as more oppressive and fascist legislation is introduced, the government states that the laws are necessary to fight crime, deter the baddies or the catch-all of ‘in the interests of national security’ or ‘public safety’. It assure the public that the laws provide a balance between personal liberties and public protection, and reminds the public that sometimes, just sometimes, people need to give a little bit of their personal freedom away to secure their safety.

And people believe it.

Australians willingly hand over their hard earned money in atonement for ‘speeding’ because they have been convinced that exceeding an arbitrarily declared limit on a remote country road will cause instant death. They beg for speed limits to be dropped because they have lost the capacity to manage risks. They lack the understanding that they have always had a duty not to crash, and kill or injure their passengers or other road users in exchange for their right to use the road.

The federal government has so far convinced the vast majority of Australians that it is for their collective benefit that the government can now access metadata from electronic communications and therefore track any persons move on a whim, spy on their connections and analyse their online networks. Criminal or not. The NSW police now want warrantless access to bank accounts.

Security agencies have stronger and more intrusive powers to deal with the so-called terror threat. The government can effectively disappear a person. And no one can talk about it. Transparency has been replaced with secrecy, with laws in place to jail certain ‘whistle-blowers’. All in the name of ‘national security’.

Victoria, New South Wales, Western Australia, South Australia and Queensland all have anti-association and ‘criminal organisation’ laws with varying degrees of harshness. In Queensland, so-called ‘participants’ in arbitrarily declared ‘criminal organisations’ are banned from associating together in three or more in public and can be searched without warrant merely on suspicion of participation. Any person committing a declared offence in a group of three or more may face a minimum of 15 years in jail unless they ‘help’ the police with enquiries. South Australia is opting for similarly repressive and almost identical laws.

In New South Wales, age-old consorting laws have been revived and can be applied without any proof whatsoever that the people concerned are engaging in or intending to commit any criminal activity. Additionally, the right to silence for people accused of indictable offences has been all but abolished, meaning that those who say nothing at interview run the risk of having that silence used as evidence against them at trial. Clearly a violation of the basic human right against self-incrimination.

The federal Government appears to be succeeding in convincing the general public that it should be allowed to banish citizens who are classed as socially undesirable on the say-so of the reigning Minister. The same Minister who is already actively expelling non-citizens for failing an ever changing, government-defined ‘character test’.

The Declaration of Human Rights, which Australia is a party to, states that “In the exercise of his rights and freedoms, everyone shall be subject only to such limitations as are determined by law solely for the purpose of securing due recognition and respect for the rights and freedoms of others and of meeting the just requirements of morality, public order and the general welfare in a democratic society.”

There are many examples in both state and federal legislation of basic rights and freedoms going far beyond what is necessary to secure the due recognition and respect for the rights and freedoms of others. Many laws enacted over the past decade signify a complete departure from morality and are detrimental to the general welfare of the community and toxic to democracy.

And the government seems to be proud of this.

In almost every case, the laws do not just apply to alleged socially undesirable people, or criminals or other people in the community who attract no sympathy. Legislation rarely refers specifically to the targeted demographic or cultural or social group or class of offender. Because it cannot. The one basic principle the government will always uphold is that every person is subject to the same laws. And while the laws may not be applied equally, the potential is there – just as soon as a person, or class of person is out of favour.

All of these restrictive laws are sold to the public on the basis that if they’ve done nothing wrong, they have nothing to fear; if they have nothing to hide, they need not fear gross intrusions into their privacy and greater powers of the government.

But people are people. They are human. And they do and say stupid things. They act without thinking, they don’t pay attention, and they fail to consider those around them. They act with emotion, irrationally and without logic. They taunt and retaliate. They fear what they don’t know. They fear those who are not like them. And sometimes people are just deliberately nasty.

But rather than take personal responsibility, or accept that sometimes bad things just happen, when something horrible occurs; something preventable, avoidable, caused by human error, poor judgement or in some cases, pure maliciousness, the loudest voices, spurned on by the media, demand the government do something about it. And this is almost always in the form of more laws and police power. Even where sufficient laws exist. And the laws almost always have a retributive element, punishing offenders, dissenters or social outcasts.

The basic principles of society are clear. All people have a duty of care to others. Every person has the right to not have their person or property interfered with, and the corresponding obligation to not interfere with another person or their property. Yet somehow, this balance of personal rights and responsibility has been all but lost as individuals, and collectively Australians, call for the government to protect them from themselves.

So what about your rights? Well, what about them. As a society, Australians have pretty much demanded they be taken away.

 

Aliens, Allegiance to Australia and 1984

What do aliens, allegiance to Australia and 1984 have in common? Surprisingly, not George Orwell’s spookily accurate prediction of life under the Abbott Government in 2015; albeit 30 years later than anticipated. The plot of Orwell’s novel, Nineteen Eighty-four, is scarily similar to the current political regime; an authoritarian government controlled by the privileged and elite, a climate of perpetual war, mass surveillance, public manipulation through media control, and the persecution of dissenters. While there are no aliens in Orwell’s fictional masterpiece, aliens are certainly relevant to Abbott’s utopian concept of Team Australia in an increasingly dystopian nation. And crucial to the notion of allegiance to Australia.

Abbott is obsessed with national security. He has strengthened anti-terror laws, passed legislation to mandate data retention, enacted draconian measures to deter refugees seeking asylum in Australia, threatened jail for doctors and teachers and nurses speaking out about abuse in detention centres, and undermined the independence of the national broadcaster.

Most recently he has proposed stripping dual nationals (and sole nationals if Abbott has his way), of citizenship. This builds on the existing and fervently applied law used to deport non-citizens who do not pass a so-called ‘character test’. According to existing law from the leading case of Shaw v MIMA [2003], the Government has free reign to deport non-citizens, even if a person has spent decades living in the country.

There is no doubt that the Parliament can enact laws for the purpose of national security and take steps to protect Australia’s borders. The Constitution in section 51 gives the Federal Government powers to enact laws ‘for the peace, order and good government of the Commonwealth’ in areas such as naval and military defence, naturalisation and aliens, immigration and emigration, the influx of criminals and external affairs.

While Abbot’s dual citizenship plan and concept of Allegiance to Australia is arguably unconstitutional, how does it relate to the deportation of permanent residents, which at the moment appears to be perfectly lawful?

It comes down to the concept of aliens.

In the ordinary sense, an alien is a person of a foreign country. And the Government, according to the Constitution, has the powers to make laws on aliens. The long title of the Migration Act 1958 states that it is: ‘An Act relating to the entry into, and presence in, Australia of aliens, and the departure or deportation from Australia of aliens and certain other persons’.

The power for the Minister to cancel the visa of an Australian resident is found in section 501 of the Migration Act. Visas can be cancelled for a range of reasons, including failure to pass strict ‘character tests’, being a threat to national security, or where a person has a substantial criminal record. In some cases there is no right to natural justice, and no right to see any of the evidence on which the Minister based his decision.

In the past year alone, the Minister has cancelled over 600 visas. Many of the people deported or facing deportation are classed as British subjects, are eligible to vote and have lived in Australia since childhood. This is significant.

But what of aliens?

While Australians have referred to themselves as such for the best part of a century, up until 1973 they swore allegiance to the Queen of the United Kingdom, and they had the status of British subjects until 1987. In fact, in the 1971 census, 12,033286 of 12,755638 Australians reported that they were British. There was no option to report as an Australian Citizen despite the Nationality and Citizenship Act creating the concept of the Australian citizen in 1948. As late as 1967, Australian passports still bore the words, ‘British Passport’. It wasn’t until changes to the Citizenship Act in 1969 that Australians became citizens first and British subjects second.

In 1973, the title of Queen of Australia was created by statute, replacing the Queen of the United Kingdom for the purposes of allegiance.

The question must be asked:

Did Australians, born as British subjects and under allegiance to the Queen of the United Kingdom, individually and formally swear allegiance to the new Queen of Australia in 1973? Did all those Australians, born in Australia before 1973 renounce their allegiance to the Queen of the United Kingdom? Of course not.

In 1973, the residents of Australia, whether or not born on Australian soil, became subjects of the Queen of Australia, by way of being resident in Australia at that time. They still remained British subjects.

And until 1987, an alien was defined as a person who did not have the status of British subject.

This is where it gets confusing.

The Migration Act, while purporting in the long title to be about aliens, now refers to non-citizens rather than aliens.

And just like that, with the change of a couple of words in a statute, British subjects who were not naturalised, but who until that time had been lawfully living, working, voting and participating in public life in Australia, become subject to the Migration Act, were classed as statutory aliens and liable for deportation.

The Australian Constitution does not mention citizens. It refers to people of the Commonwealth, and people and residents of the States. The Members of the House of Representative and Senators are elected by the people of the Commonwealth and the people of the States who are eligible to vote. The Constitution also states in section 41, that where a person has the right to vote, they cannot be prevented from voting. Before 1973, the status of Australian residents was clear. They were British subjects. Citizenship was irrelevant to their capacity to participate in public life. And the status of Australians after 1987 is also clear. Australians must now be citizens to participate in public life and have security of domicile. Before 1987, but after 1948, those born in Australia were both Australian citizens and British subjects. However, something has clearly gone wrong for non-naturalised British subjects who became subjects of the Queen of Australia in 1973 and are for all other purposes Australian.

But why is 1984 relevant?

The Government has previously recognised the unique status of non-naturalised British subjects in Australia. Those who were not citizens, but were on the Commonwealth electoral roll on 25 January 1984, retained the right to vote and participate in both state and federal elections. Not only did they have the right to vote, they were legally obliged to.

So the question must be asked:

How is it that a person, previously afforded full rights, protections and responsibilities by their status as a British subject, lose those same rights on the whim of a government who has changed the statutory definition of who is entitled to remain in Australia?

How can a British subject who migrated to Australia before 1973, when all Australian’s were classed as British subjects and under allegiance to the Queen of the United Kingdom, and who became a subject of the Queen of Australia in 1973 by way of residence, suddenly become classed as an alien?

At what point, did a British subject, not only permanently residing in Australia, but eligible to vote and elect the Members of the House of Representatives and the Senate, become considered an alien?

At what point did a government minister, elected by the votes of the people of the Commonwealth including those British subjects eligible to vote, gain the power to deport those same people who by fulfilling their legal obligation to vote, helped elect said Minister?

At what point, did the same British subject, eligible to vote in a referendum – the mechanism by which the Constitution may be changed, lose the right to permanently live in Australia and be liable for deportation?

Can the Government even change the constitutional meaning of an alien, to make unlawful a person previously lawful, without a referendum?

It does not make sense that a person should be legally obliged to vote in a referendum, when the desired outcome is to enable the mechanism to deport that same person. It would be akin to signing their own deportation orders.

And in the same way, it does not make sense that the Government can change the status of Australians, so that those Australians, albeit not naturalised, lose the rights to domicile and vote, when that Government was elected by and to represent those same people now at risk of deportation.

In 1993, the Federal Government created an invisible type of visa for every person permanently resident in Australian but not naturalised. It did not matter if this person arrived before 1973, or if they were eligible to vote or stand for public office. Each and every one of these people was issued with an invisible visa. It is this invisible visa, created by statute and applying retrospectively, that the Minister is cancelling in accordance with section 501 of the Migration Act. And this means that of any one of the 162,928 British subjects on the Australian electoral roll in 2008 could be deported.

The ramifications of the proposed Allegiance to Australia Bill emerge. If the Government can change lawful residents into aliens by virtue of legislation – lawful residents who had the same rights and legal status as citizens, can it change the status of Australian citizens and turn them into aliens too? Could a person, born in Australia and having lived in Australia all their life, suddenly be declared an alien and deported, on the whim of the reigning Government? Could legislation be enacted and apply retrospectively, depriving an Australian of the only home they have ever known?

The concept of the Australian Citizen is found in legislation. It did not exist before 1948. And somewhere between 1973, when all Australians were classed as British subjects, and 1987, when the Australia Act came into effect, those British subjects who were not born in Australia lost the protection and certainty of domicile.

A team of Tasmanian lawyers are challenging the notion of what it means to be an alien. Led by Barristers, Mr Greg Melick SC and Mr Ray Broomhall, an application has just been filed in the High Court of Australia to argue that the Migration Act 1958 does not apply to a British subject, resident in Australia before 1973 and enrolled to vote in 1984. The Applicant, Mr Cayzer, is challenging his deportation on the basis that the Minister cannot cancel the visa of a person who until recently, had exactly the same rights and responsibilities of an Australian citizen. Mr Cazyer asserts that the Minister simply cannot redefine what it means to be an alien by legislation then retrospectively apply that definition to people who have always called Australia home.

In the leading case of Shaw, Mr Shaw, a British subject, arrived in Australia after 1973, so did not have allegiance to the Queen of Australia. He was not eligible to vote. Mr Cayzer’s case can be distinguished from this by the fact he actively and lawfully participated in public life in Australia. Mr Cayzer was a British subject who arrived in Australia in 1965. He has voted as a person of the Commonwealth to elect representatives in the federal parliament. And those representatives are now seeking to strip him of his right of domicile and right to vote.

The High Court has never before been asked to differentiate between a non-citizen resident in Australia before 1973 and who has the right to vote, and one who arrived after that time. While Mr Shaw was found to be an alien for the purposes of the Migration Act, Mr Cayzer alleges he became a subject of Australia in 1973.

There is no guarantee that the High Court will accept the application and answer the questions. But if it does, it will be an important case. It will redefine what it means to be Australian.

And it will have serious implications for Abbott’s concept of allegiance to Australia.

 

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We are governed by child abuse enablers

It’s hard to believe anything Prime Minister Tony Abbott says. But there is one thing that seems to frighten him more than the threat of ISIS.

The return of the boats.

Abbott says he has no intention of tightening national security despite declaring that the Death Cult is coming after us. Apparently the real, albeit overplayed threat of ISIS warrants no additional measures. However the prospect of desperate men, women and children landing on Australia’s shores is so grim, Abbott has legislated a whole new security regime. And a paramilitary force to ward off people fleeing persecution, war and genocide. By ‘hook or by crook’ Abbott will protect Australia’s sovereign borders from asylum seekers.

Abbott has never hidden his tough asylum seeker policies. It formed part of his election platform. Described as harsh by Liberal frontbencher, Malcolm Turnbull, Abbott has gone to extreme lengths to ensure people smugglers are deterred. The latest abomination to become law simply builds on this.

It is the Border Force Act. And nothing is more sinister than the secrecy provisions contained within. The best friend the child abuser ever had.

It is unlikely the Government intended to protect child abusers.

It is unlikely the Government even gave it a second thought.

But it is there. The mechanism to silence those who report the abuse of asylum seekers in detention.

And silence is the biggest enabler of child abuse.

There is no doubt asylum seeker children are being abused. There have been ample reports, dismissed almost instantly by the Coalition as baseless.

And now, thanks to Abbott’s fears of an invasion by desperate people in leaky boats, it is unlawful for professionals working on Manus Island and Nauru to make public the squalid living conditions, cruel and inhumane treatment, and abuse of men, women and children.

The Border Force Act does not specifically apply to secrecy around asylum seekers. It applies to ‘entrusted persons’ making records of or disclosure of ‘protected information’. There are limited exceptions, which may be difficult to rely on in practicality if abuse is disclosed. The whistle-blower protections do not apply outside Australia.

Each State, Territory and the Commonwealth has legislated mandatory reporting of child abuse for certain people and professions. Foreign aid workers are required to comply with strict child protection policies. Yet mandatory reporting of abuse for children in off-shore detention was voted down by the Government.

The Border Force Act means that professionals who are mandated to report abuse in Australia, may be jailed for reporting the same abuse if it occurs on Nauru or Manus Island.

Not content with enabling child abuse through silence, Abbott, former Immigration Minister, Scott Morrison and current Minister, Peter Dutton’s reactions to specific reports and events conform with typical patterns of behaviour of the abuser.

In the same way child abusers seek to detract from the authenticity of allegations by questioning the reliability and honesty of the claimant, the Government has attempted to deflect criticism of the appalling treatment of children in detention by discrediting those who disclosed it. Abbott and Morrison’s savage attack on Human Rights Commission President, Gillian Triggs ensured the children were not only forgotten, but condemned to indefinite abuse.

Bureaucratic self-protectionism is often present where there is institutionalised abuse. When asylum seekers resorted to harming themselves and engaged in suicide pacts, it was classed as an ‘operational matter’, and the Government refused to comment. Workers who disclosed self-harm were accused of encouraging the behaviour, fabricating allegations, and orchestrating protests. Ten Save the Children workers were sacked, despite no evidence to back up the claims.

When asylum seeker Reza Berati was murdered on Manus Island, Morrison immediately apportioned blame on the murdered man and fellow ‘transferees’. Victim-blaming: a tactic employed by many an abuser. And used lavishly by the Government to ensure those perpetrating abuse are not held accountable.

When challenged on reports of five-month-old baby Asha living in squalor and struggling to feed, the Department denied it and issued a statement saying everything was fine. Typical of the abuser, those in Government hoped that the authority would be believed instead of the abused, attempting to stop the abuse being exposed.

And in much the same way that religious organisations closed ranks to protect paedophiles – but without the inherent loyalty found in such organisations, the Government has resorted to harsh legislation to attempt to deter disclosure of the cruel and inhumane treatment of people in detention, including the abuse of children.

For now, the Government is enabling the abuse of only asylum seeker children.

But hypothetically, what if children, who lose their Australian citizenship because of the actions of their parents, are detained by Federal authorities outside Australia? Will these Australian children, perhaps born of Australian parents, suddenly lose all protection from abuse simply because of where they are detained? Not beyond the realms of possibility if Abbott has his way. And if the Allegiance to Australia Bill is passed, and in the unlikely event found to be constitutional, certain.

No doubt the children of suspected terrorists will receive even less public sympathy than the children of asylum seekers.

But are we really a nation of people who believe it is acceptable to punish children because of the actions of their parents?

Are we really a nation that supports the imprisonment of professionals for complying with their ethical obligations to report abuse?

The Government is already enabling child abusers. Today the children are asylum seekers. Tomorrow it may be the children of dual citizens. And perhaps after that, in a year or two, the children of sole nationals, who have nowhere to be deported to, held indefinitely in detention on Nauru.

Abbott will not listen to the Human Rights Commission. He is doing little to act on the Moss Review, sanctioned by his own Government. He has expressly stated that he will not be lectured to by the United Nations.

At what point will the minority, speaking out against the actions of the Government, become the majority?

The secrecy provisions in the Border Force Act have one aim – to ensure information about asylum seeker welfare does not reach the public. The success of Abbott’s policies depends on the dehumanisation of asylum seekers and the absence of sympathy from the public.

The Australian public voted to stop the boats. But did that vote mandate torture, cruel and inhumane treatment, and child abuse?

Until Australians demand accountability, transparency and a humane solution to the refugee crisis, we will be governed by child abuse enablers.

 

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The desperation of marriage equality opponents

A disturbing trend is emerging in the same-sex marriage debate. Reminiscent of a child throwing a tantrum, individuals and representatives of organisations opposed to equality are stamping their feet and resorting to more desperate threats. While it may be easy to write these people off as educationally challenged, for the most part they are not. So what on earth makes grown men and women resort to infantile tactics to fight the prospect of gay marriage being legalised in Australia?

Marriage is presently only legal between a consenting adult man and woman. If marriage equality were achieved, the only part to change would be the man and woman part. It would be replaced with something gender inclusive and non-specific, like ‘two people’ or ‘two persons’. This automatically removes any of the absurd arguments that a change would lead to legalising polygamy or the marriage between a man and his dog.

The Marriage Act also sensibly requires adult partners, who cannot be a direct blood relation or legal guardian, to voluntarily enter into marriage, quashing the ridiculous notion that if marriage is about ‘love’, parents will suddenly be able to marry their children.

After clearing up these points on definition, the remaining arguments against marriage equality are somewhat illogical and ever-increasingly desperate.

People who are not personally impacted by same-sex marriage (assuming they are not secretly gay and commitment-phobic), are resorting to bizarre threats to attempt to stop what they perceive as legitimising the ‘homosexual lifestyle’.

But what is this ‘homosexual lifestyle’ and why is it such a threat to the vocal minority?

Are they afraid that gay love and gay sex and gay household distribution of chores and gay financial support and gay parental responsibilities and gay picnics at the park or gay walks along the beach will become the norm?

Tony Abbott, the Prime Minister, is one of the conservative white men standing in the way of same-sex marriage. He famously stated in 2010 that he felt ‘threatened’ by homosexuals and that homosexuality challenged the ‘right order of things’. Abbott preferred a ‘don’t ask, don’t tell’ approach to gay relationships.

However traditionally stereotyped gender roles are the only things threatened by same-sex marriage. For someone like Tony Abbott, who believed the biggest achievement for women was the repeal of the carbon tax, it is conceivable he would be confused about which of two women in a same-sex marriage would do the ironing.

Same-sex marriage is about equality. It is about social acceptable and approval. It is about removing institutionalised discrimination based on sexual orientation. It is about removing different laws for people based on who they are. It’s about taking the ‘gay’ out of the debate and making it irrelevant to the right to marry the person of choice.

In the latest petulant threat, the Presbyterian Church of NSW has discussed withdrawing from performing legal marriage ceremonies if equality is achieved.

Seriously.

It’s not clear what the Church hopes to gain from this, other than to make a statement of its support of discrimination and outdated beliefs based on selected text from a religious book.

But in reality, boycotting legal marriage will only impact on heterosexual couples of that religious denomination who actually desire a legal marriage. It will have no impact at all on same-sex couples. Much like opposite sex couples threatening to divorce.

A random woman, angry that committed, adult couples might be given the right to celebrate their love with marriage, is calling for the boycotting of businesses who publicly support equality. No Australian has yet threatened to self-immolate.

The childish threats amount to pouty foot-stomping in reaction to the rest of the country moving forward and desiring to update the rulebook in line with a modern, progressive nation.

But these threats, while hardly effective, disclose a nastiness that cannot be ignored. Attempting to force personal (religious or not) ideology and bigoted beliefs on other people in the community reinforces discriminative and dangerous views. Those who identify as LGBTI already suffer more violence, bullying and harassment than other groups in society.

The concept of moving forward with equality seems lost on senior Government Ministers, in particular, Nationals Leader, Barnaby Joyce, who alleges that Asian countries will see Australia as ‘decadent’ if it achieves marriage equality. He is afraid legalising same-sex marriage will threaten the livestock trade with Asia, despite New Zealand having seen no adverse consequences. It’s surprising he hasn’t called for the reintroduction of the death penalty and imprisonment for gays to win favour with Australia’s trading partners.

Not content with seeking validation from Asia on domestic equality policy, Senator Eric Abetz unhelpfully suggested frontbenchers should resign for representing the majority view of Australians.

However the most harmful of arguments comes from those who believe same-sex marriage will damage children. This is a favoured argument from the Australian Christian Lobby, who is demonising every parent who has raised non-biological children. The Catholics are also weighing in, ensuring children are further stigmatised by distributing an anti-same-sex marriage booklet to its private schools.

Outspoken opponents, relying on religious arguments while ignoring that the majority of Christians support same-sex marriage, argue for the ‘rights of the child’. They discard studies which show children of gay parents turn out just fine. They point out that children of gay couples might be subject to bullying, without acknowledging that it is their own bigoted views and institutionalised discrimination that supports this. They fail to accept that if they demonstrated Christian values, like empathy, compassion and unconditional love, perhaps children of gay couples would cease to be targeted.

Australia is one of the last western democracies to legalise marriage equality after the US Supreme Court’s recent ruling in favour of same-sex marriage. But Abbott is unperturbed. He states there is little chance of a marriage equality bill being debated or put to the vote on his watch.

Same-sex marriage isn’t the threat.

The threat is turning to outdated religious codes to justify inequality, intolerance and discrimination. The threat is people who live by those same religious codes, persecuting and vilifying people because of sexual orientation. The threat is allowing fundamentalists and extremists to push their own views on the rest of the Australian public, fuelling more hate and discrimination.

And then there is Abbott, ensuring his personal beliefs remain entrenched in legislation to lessen the discomfort he feels about same-sex relationships. Abbott proclaims that he stands for ‘all of us’, that his party has always been the one to ‘turn on the lights’ and he ‘seeks hope, reward and opportunity for everyone’.

Unless that hope and opportunity threatens his personal ideology. Then he will stand in the way of equality and attempt to turn out that light.

“I wonder how the hell you can put a baby in detention”

Dear Prime Minister,

I know you are busy ‘securing our nation against the various challenges that we face at home and abroad’. I know same-sex marriage is low on your agenda. I know that hating on the ABC rates highly on your list of things to do.

However I have a question for you; an important question that thousands of Australians, in fact, the rest of the world, wants an answer to.

Since when has it been acceptable to house babies in stinking hot, rat-infested, leaky tents?

I know you are distracted by posing with your new Border Force commissioner, but this is a really important issue. And it’s an issue that Australians – the ones who haven’t bought into your fear tactics and scaremongering, want dealt with immediately.

You’re probably wondering why I’m writing to you. Surely I should be doing something useful, and non-controversial, like ironing my husband’s work shirt. But you see, Prime Minister, I have a son who is one month younger than Asha, the baby born to asylum seeker parents and just recently sent to your detention centre on Nauru.

And I am doing my job, as a parent, as a human being, as a person with a conscience, in speaking out and saying that it is unacceptable for babies and children to be held in detention.

The thing is, Mr Abbott, it is my taxes paying for those filthy facilities. My taxes paying for the guards to allegedly film themselves having sex with vulnerable and desperate women. My taxes, Mr Abbott, paying for a regime which includes rapes, sexual assaults on children and acts of violence.

And I object.

I want you to tell me, Mr Abbott, why my taxes should be used to pay for child abuse?

And I don’t want you to deny this is happening. Quite simply, Mr Abbott, when your department tells me that everything is fine, I don’t believe it.

But I do believe the many doctors, nurses, teachers and health workers who have spoken up about the inhumane conditions. I do believe the findings of the Moss Review, and the Forgotten Children report presented to you by the Australian Human Rights Commission. I believe the United Nations, who has stated that Australia’s treatment of asylum seekers in detention amounts to torture.

Do you know what else makes me believe these people above you, Mr Abbott, apart from them being professionals and ethically obliged to report abuse?

Your law which may see professionals, including these doctors, nurses and health workers, jailed for speaking out and advocating on behalf of their patients.

I’ll just repeat this, Mr Abbott, in case you don’t quite understand: Your law which may see professional people, who have witnessed, first hand, the conditions that these asylum seekers, including babies and children, are living in, jailed for reporting abuse.

I acknowledge Mr Dutton’s pitiful attempts to downplay the situation. He says that the laws don’t prevent ‘genuine concerns’ from being aired and ‘legitimate’ issues raised.

How do you define ‘genuine’ and ‘legitimate’ concerns, Mr Abbott? Is evidence of rape, sexual abuse, serious mental illness, and suicidal ideation not enough for you? What about murder, Mr Abbott? What about asylum seeker death from septicaemia? Clearly none of these things are of concern to you, Mr Abbott, or you would have done something about it.

Instead, what do you do?

You send a baby to Nauru.

Right now as I sit here breastfeeding my son (and I won’t apologise for making things awkward for you by talking about my breasts), I am thinking about baby Asha’s mother, and how she must be feeling. You see, Mr Abbott, unlike you I am able to empathise. And having a son almost the same age as Asha, I can barely imagine how stressful and traumatic it must be for her mother, struggling to feed her baby in that hell-hole on Nauru.

Of course I appreciate that you’ve never breastfed a child, Mr Abbott. And I understand that in the 1950’s, where most of your values date from, breastfeeding wasn’t considered cool – something practised by the uneducated and poor. But let me tell you something, Mr Abbott, babies need food. And if they are bottle fed formula, they need access to clean, fresh water, hygienic conditions and facilities to sterilize bottles.

Can you honestly tell me, Prime Minister, that Asha’s mother has access to these things? I want an honest answer, Mr Abbott, not another one of your lies.

So as I sit here, Mr Abbott, writing to you, with my son suckling away and filling his fat little tummy with milk, I wonder how the hell you can put a baby in detention. I wonder how the hell you expect Asha’s mother to feed her, when you have subjected her to such torturous and inhumane conditions that she is struggling to breastfeed.

How far do you want this to go, Mr Abbott? Do you want a baby to die?

Why, Mr Abbott, is it illegal for my son to be abused, yet not for baby Asha? Is it because my son was born in Australia? Asha was born in Australia too. Is it because her parents are not Australian? Neither were your parents, Mr Abbott. Is her skin not white enough?

If my son was living in the same conditions as baby Asha, I’d be deemed an unfit parent. Your policy, Mr Abbott, and your laws, which not only serve to endorse child abuse, but now make it unlawful to report it, make you unfit to be Prime Minister.

I want an answer, Mr Abbott. I want you to tell me just why you think abusing a baby, any baby, is acceptable.

Sincerely

Eva Cripps

 

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Banishment from the Kingdom

If you’re a fan of fantasy fiction, the concept of banishment from the kingdom is hardly new. The protagonist will often start out in the bad books, living on the fringes of society. They fight the evil overlords until victorious, and then the broken ruler is banished forever more. It’s a common plot line, reused and remade. It appeals to all kinds of personalities and reaffirms the concept of what allegiance to the kingdom means. If a person is bad, they will lose their right to live in their home country and their right to see their family and friends. And if they are good, they will live happily ever after.

Reminiscent of medieval times, it is hardly surprising that the punishment of being banished from the kingdom has been loudly promoted by the Abbott Government. This would appeal to the conservative, ‘if you have done nothing wrong you have nothing to fear’ mindset of the national leaders.

It strikes the perfect balance between hero and bastard.

What Prime Minister wouldn’t take the opportunity to show just how serious he is about National Security? And who can argue with a Prime Minister who can turn around and deport you if you just happen to be a dual citizen and engage in certain activities that offend him?

It should also not be a surprise that Abbott, still deeply in love with the Mother Country, would fervently adopt a 200 year old policy of shipping criminals abroad.

The new Allegiance to Australia Bill ingeniously includes a new way to punish those who threaten the Government and the sanctity of the white, conservative, capitalist Australia. And the best part about it is that for certain provisions, the Government doesn’t have to prove a thing.

Putting aside the fact that a dual citizen could face deportation if convicted of scribbling in pen on a table in a Centrelink office (See section 35A of the new Bill and section 29 of the Crimes Act 1914, which makes it an offence to damage or destroy Commonwealth property), there is a range of other activities for which no conviction is required.

It is not just criminals who may fall foul of the proposed Australian Citizenship Amendment (Allegiance to Australia) Bill 2015. A criminal is someone who has been convicted of an offence. New provisions include ‘renunciation and cessation of citizenship’ by what is essentially the act of doing something that does not have to be proven in court. There is no fair trial by an impartial adjudicator. In fact, the act specifically excludes the right to natural justice which includes things like procedural fairness, the right to see evidence and defend oneself.

Section 33AA of the new Bill provides that:

  • Subject to this section, a person who is a national or citizen of a country other than Australia renounces their Australian citizenship if the person acts inconsistently with their allegiance to Australia by engaging in conduct specified in subsection (2).

Subsection 2 includes:

  • engaging in international terrorist activities using explosive or lethal devices;
  • engaging in a terrorist act;
  • providing or receiving training connected with preparation for, engagement in, or assistance in a terrorist act;
  • directing the activities of a terrorist organisation;
  • recruiting for a terrorist organisation;
  • financing terrorism;
  • financing a terrorist;
  • engaging in foreign incursions and recruitment.

It further states that:

  • Where a person renounces their Australian citizenship under this section, the renunciation takes effect, and the Australian citizenship of the person ceases, immediately upon the person engaging in the conduct referred to in subsection (2).

No doubt this all sounds perfectly fine to the vast majority of Australians. The new Act is clearly designed to target those who support ISIS. And the vast majority of Australians hold no regard for these kinds of terrorists.

But given the Act does not actually specify which terrorists it is targeting, and in fact, a separate provision deals with people who actually go overseas and fight, who else might be at risk of voluntarily renouncing their Australian Citizenship?

In 2014, a bunch of Queenslanders opposed to mining and the environmental impacts on the Great Barrier Reef, were labelled by several Abbott loving media personalities as ‘eco-terrorists’.

According to the Bill, and it is quite clear, a person simply has to engage in one of the activities listed in section 33AA and they have renounced their citizenship.

Of course, it seems absurd to think that mothers, fathers, grandparents, local business people and students defending the reef could possibly be considered as ‘terrorists’ for the purpose of the Allegiance to Australia Bill. But how would they know?

Could a person inadvertently renounce their citizenship by protesting against a new mine?

Could a person renounce their citizenship by donating to a fund to save the reef?

What about regular financial contributions to environmental groups or animal activist organisations?

This does sound far-fetched. It really does. It is inconceivable that a dual citizen would lose their Australian citizenship for sending a donation to the Sea Shepherd.

However the media reported in 2012 that ASIO had been spying on conservation groups. Protesters in mining areas were labelled as terrorists and treated as such by security agencies. The confirmation that ASIO had been monitoring and advising on the activities of conservation groups caused a minor stir at the time. But the implications if the Allegiance to Australia Bill is passed are potentially enormous. Particularly if the Bill applies retrospectively, something Abbott is keen for.

Will green activists, protestors and conservationists who happen to hold dual nationality be deported?

Unlikely.

But would a dual citizen take that risk?

The renunciation happens as a direct consequence of the act. No trial. No proof of the activity. And once the Minister becomes aware the person has done the thing, he may commence the process of detaining and deportation. A person would not know if they were covered by the new provisions and had lost their citizenship until the time the Minister decided to act on it.

Naturally, there is a get-out clause for the friends of the Government accidentally swept up in the catch-all provisions. The Minister can revoke the renunciation at his discretion.

That may provide protection for the white, middle-class Australian who didn’t realise donating to a local conservation group had suddenly become a terrorist act, but not so much for the person of middle-eastern appearance with a name the Minister can’t pronounce.

The laws are a genius form of control. One third of Australians are estimated to be dual citizens. That’s a lot of people who might start questioning their activities.

That’s a lot of people who may be banished from the kingdom.

 

Actions, not words, Bill

The Australian Government has reached yet another low point. And not just Prime Minister Tony Abbott and his freedom-hating Cabinet. Bill Shorten, while holding the position of Leader of the Opposition, has repeatedly and consistently failed to do anything of the sort, leaving the ALP complicit in yet another embarrassment to the nation.

Opposition – noun – ‘resistance or dissent, expressed in action or argument. A contrast or antithesis’.

There isn’t much in Shorten’s recent actions or arguments on matters of national security or asylum seeker policy that fits that definition. Where there is a mild attempt at resistance or dissent, it is quickly over-shadowed by full support and endorsement of whatever nasty piece of legislation Abbott and his team of reprobates have conjured up.

Actions speak louder than words.

And in this respect, Shorten has demonstrated exactly what the Australian Labor Party stands for. In much the same way Abbott supporters seek to excuse his horrible policies and laws by quoting unsubstantiated claims of success proclaimed by the Murdoch media, Labor supporters point to the vilification Shorten will receive from the same if he actually opposed something.

As if this matters.

There is something unsettling about the Opposition making feeble protestations against freedom-infringing laws, before supporting them in full; seen most recently with the ALP’s endorsement of data retention and site-blocking. It takes on a sinister note when those laws don’t just infringe on basic freedoms, but endorse human rights abuse and torture.

We now see the clearest indication yet that the ALP is not prepared to challenge the Government when it really matters.

Of course the ALP will readily stand up for the rights of Australians to free healthcare and education. It will stand up against the trashing of workplace rights. But when it comes to national security and immigration, Bill Shorten is right there beside Abbott.

And why?

Shorten knows siding with Abbott to kill off universal healthcare, education and workers’ rights will be the end of the ALP.

However, destroying civil liberties under the guise of ‘fighting terrorism’? Bring it on. And supporting a regime condemned by the UN for torturing asylum seekers? Shorten now gives it a massive tick.

Naturally, the ALP wafts around a few words to appease the humane and compassionate members of the ALP who have condemned the treatment of men, women and children in detention. It makes pathetic excuses about policy positions and not endorsing the manner in which the off-shore facilities are run. All the while pledging support for legislation which authorises the expenditure of tax payer money on off-shore detention in the face of a High Court challenge.

This was the ALP’s chance to stand up for basic human rights. This was Shorten’s chance to unequivocally condemn Australia’s treatment of refugees fleeing persecution and genocide.

Yet with Abbott and Brandis a little nervous when challenged on the legality of the off-shore facilities, Shorten is right there beside Abbott.

In a totally expected, yet disappointing motion passed by the ALP caucus on Wednesday, 24 June 2015, the ALP endorsed the Migration Amendment (Regional Processing Arrangements) Bill 2015.

The motion included that support for the amendments was ‘on the basis that the legislation solely goes to enabling payments, enabling the fact of regional offshore processing and that the legislation does not change or in any way expand the current situation/policies/extent of regional offshore processing.’

Really?

The ALP knows exactly what is happening in the current situation and the human rights abuses being perpetuated under the current policies. Would it have been so difficult to only support the amendments on the proviso that all children and babies were returned to Australian territory with their families? Or provide support conditional on the Government acting on the recommendations of the Moss Review and the Australian Human Rights Commission Forgotten Children Report? Clearly too difficult: Shorten may have set himself up for a mean cartoon and subject line in the mainstream media.

The motion finished with, ‘Nor does the federal parliamentary Labor party in any way condone the manner in which the current federal government is running offshore processing’.

Of course the ALP doesn’t condone it. Apart from rushing to support legislation which ensures the whole regime is lawful. And previously supporting legislation making it unlawful for doctors, counsellors and other professionals to expose inhumane conditions and report sexual abuse and violence.

Where a person says one thing, and does another, it is the actions that show the true intentions. And not only has the ALP agreed to support the emergency legislation with no meaningful conditions, it has clearly shown that only certain people matter. Its another sign of solidarity with the Abbott Government on a matter of anything remotely contentious.

Shorten effectively states that if a person seeks asylum by boat, they do not deserve a safe haven that is actually safe.

Abbott has appealed to the lowest common denominator with his asylum seeker and border protection policies. And Shorten, too afraid to upset the misinformed masses, would rather support a torturous regime than expose the Coalition’s policy for the farce it is. Off-shore detention has not stopped the boats. It has not stopped desperate people seeking ways to get to Australia, or New Zealand, or any other place that has ratified the Refugee Convention. While no boats have been reported as successfully reaching Australian territory, hundreds of people have died at the hands of people smugglers in Thailand and Malaysia.

And Shorten has obligingly agreed to back the Government.

Abbott and Shorten bring shame to Australia. The humane treatment of asylum seekers should not be politicised. And the torture of asylum seekers should not receive bipartisan support from a cruel Government and an opposition so weak it cannot stand up for the most vulnerable of people. There is no place for institutionalised abuse of people asking for help.

It is time Bill Shorten showed leadership. And demonstrated that leadership with actions that matter.

 

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Abbott is not above the law

Conservatives love Law and Order. And wars. War on Terrorism, War on Drugs, War on Bikies, War on Communism. Their response to anything they see as a threat is to enact legislation to Keep us Safe, or to introduce Harsher Penalties. Throw in some Mandatory Minimum Sentencing to Act as a Deterrent. Or Establish a Taskforce, led by an ex-cop who has previously headed a War on Something Very Bad. According to the conservatives, this platform is a foolproof way to beat every threat to modern society and thus let us sleep soundly in our beds at night.

Considering this framework, it is somewhat astounding that the Abbott Government would resort to Paying People Smugglers to achieve its agenda to Stop the Boats.

People smugglers prey on the most vulnerable and desperate people. They are labelled as cruel, heartless and vile in their trade. And Abbott is determined to stop them. He said that he was “not going to do anything that [would] encourage people to get on boats.”

Nope, Nope Nope.

Abbott was extremely adamant. Brutally so. If Australia did the “slightest thing to encourage people, this problem [would] get worse, not better.” On behalf of Australia, he told the world that helping to rescue boatloads of stranded asylum seekers would clearly be sending the wrong message to people smugglers.

Australia would not support this evil trade. No it would not. It never would.

It would smash the people smugglers business model. And stop those Illegal Immigrants seeking refuge in a country that had signed and ratified the Refugee Convention.

And clearly, the best way to not support the business of trafficking people, was to pay the very people who were smuggling them.

Wait. What?

This seems to contradict the conservatives’ usual fierce promotion of harsh and uncompromising Law and Order policies.

The conservatives love Three Word Slogans.

Prime Minister Tony Abbott urged everyone to Have a Go after the May 2015 budget. And offered an incentive of up to $20,000 as a tax write-off for small businesses to purchase expensive things like cars and machinery. It was perhaps this policy, one argued by some to Win the Votes, that gave him the idea to pay off people smugglers. After all, boats are quite expensive and the people smugglers could buy a pretty good boat for $20,000 AUD.

However while the media seems to have moved on from Tony’s Tradies (two word slogan?) Abbott has introduced his latest slogan by stealth.

Above the Law.

It might not have the same ring to it as War on Everything, but it nicely sums up Abbott and his ruling party’s present ideology.

With Abbott boasting the boats had been stopped, its little wonder he is as keen as anything to make sure none show up in Australian waters.

“By hook or by crook”, Abbott declared, his Government would Stop the Boats. And he was damn proud of the “creative strategies” his border protection agencies had come up with to do just that.

Because when you’re Above the Law, paying off people smugglers to ship back unwanted people of colour is just a mere nothing.

It’s not clear exactly what inspired Abbott for his new Three Word Slogan.

Perhaps Immigration Minister, Peter Dutton, was responsible. At least that would make sense, given he is forging ahead with his recent inspiration to strip Australians of their citizenship by Ministerial direction, despite this supposed genius policy being almost certainly unconstitutional and therefore invalid.

The Abbott Government, evidenced by its slow march towards fascism, seems to be forgetting the very basis of Australia’s democracy.

Former High Court Justice, Murray Gleeson stated, “The source of law-making authority is the Constitution, and the law, including the common law as developed by the courts, must conform to the Constitution.”

What is the Constitution? It is the basic document that provides the mechanism for the very existence of the Commonwealth Government. It includes the powers on which the Federal Government can enact law. It is quite clear as to the expectations of lawfulness of the Government. And the separation of powers between the legislature who make the law, the executive who put the law into operation and the judiciary who interpret the law.

Gleeson continues, “However law is made in Australia, it must be consistent with the Constitution. And so must any substantive principle said to flow from the rule of law itself.”

And the essence of the Rule of Law (a Three Word Slogan Abbott is yet to embrace) is that all authority is subject to, and constrained by law. The High Court has found on a number of occasions that the Commonwealth Government is not above the law. And it cannot define the extent of its own power. That role is for the courts.

It matters not that the Government can enact laws on immigration and foreign affairs and defence. It cannot otherwise act unlawfully. It would be a gross violation of the rule of law to endorse the Government committing crimes and acting illegally. And the Government cannot put forward some tenuous link between national security and any other thing, to attempt to legitimise its powers to enact the law, as found by the High Court in the Communist Case.

Abbott and his Government are not Above the Law. People smuggling is an offence in Australia. It is recognised internationally as criminal behaviour. The United Nations have expressed concern over the reports that Australia has effectively funded a criminal syndicate. Abbott, Dutton and the rest of the Government are refusing to comment on what they call Operational Matters, while still blaming Labor.

Conservatives are dogged in their hounding of anyone else for even the most tenuous of claims of impropriety. Decades old allegations against former Prime Minister Julia Gillard led to the establishment of a Royal Commission. Yet Abbott has indicated no intention of investigating the current people smuggling payment claims, which if true, pose serious questions about the judgement of Dutton and the legality of the entire operation.

Despite what Abbott thinks, he is not Above the Law. It’s time to Establish a Taskforce, or even better, a Royal Commission.

And maybe a new Three Word Slogan.

Vote Them Out.

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How Australians Justify Torture

Torture is an evocative word. It conjures up images of shackles, chains, beatings, burnings, suffocation, and waterboarding. Almost everyone has watched a movie that incorporates some element of torture. Blind fold over face and knife to throat, submersion into a watery pit, a bucket full of scorpions. While this visual imagery is captivating, in reality the threshold as to what constitutes torture is not as high as many Australians think.

Graphic scenes of torture in movies and TV series are seen as entertainment and definitely not part of reality. It is only reality in third world, war torn countries, or in underworld gangs in faraway cities infested with organised crime. Certainly, state-sanctioned torture has no place in a Western, democratic, developed nation. There is an uncomfortable denial from many that Australia’s treatment of asylum seekers amounts to torture.

The Australian Government is unrepentant in its asylum seeker policy. Prime Minister Tony Abbott is determined to do whatever it takes to fulfil his ‘Stop the Boats’ election promise. This includes the guarantee that no genuine refugee, let alone economic migrant, who attempts to come to Australia by boat, will ever ‘call Australia home’. Those who do attempt the journey are either turned back to Indonesia or held in detention in offshore processing facilities on Manus Island or Nauru.

In March 2015, the United Nations slammed Australia for violating international obligations with its treatment of asylum seekers, stating that it amounted to torture. This followed the November 2014 ‘children in detention’ report from the Australian Human Rights Commission. The report found systematic exposure to and horrific cases of sexual and physical abuse of children in immigration detention.

Despite the independent and sustained reports of torture and abuse in a regime funded by the Australian taxpayer, many people remain apathetic. And the Government’s recently enacted laws which may see doctors, health workers and counsellors jailed for reporting abuse, will further remove any potential discomfort from the minds of many Australians.

But for those who do engage, the conversation often revolves around whether those subjected to abuse in detention are ‘genuine refugees’. In a strange twist of logic, it seems that the government-defined classification of the asylum seeker is entirely relevant as to whether a fellow human being should be tortured at the taxpayer expense.

“They’re not genuine refugees, they are economic migrants,” is a common response to any condemnation of the asylum seeker policy.

As if this makes all the difference.

Are these Australians really so callous as to endorse Government-funded torture, simply because a person, labelled an ‘economic migrant’, dares to seek a better life?

“They’re not real refugees. They should have waited their turn. It was their choice to get on a boat. If they can afford to pay people smugglers, they can afford a visa.”

Are Australians, as a nation, really saying that where they believe a person is not escaping torture, genocide or persecution, it is acceptable to detain and torture them for simply seeking a new life in another country? Are Australians actually comfortable with their tax dollars being spent on this?

The assumption behind Abbott’s policy is that the people smuggling business will be thwarted by removing all hope of settlement in Australia. Abbott has made it clear that “If you want to start a new life, you come through the front door, not through the back door.” He believes that if there is no chance of seeking a better life, the incentive to get on a leaky boat is removed. But desperate people, escaping persecution, have little option when the alternative to getting on a boat is death in a jungle.

And the Government, in its failure to acknowledge that the vast majority of asylum seekers are genuine refugees, will no longer even ask if a person will face torture if returned to their country of origin before turning back a boat.

The Australian Government is quite clearly telling all asylum seekers, regardless of their personal situation, that if they want safety and security, Australia won’t help. If they make it to Australia by boat, they will be locked up indefinitely in detention. Their babies will spend their formative years exposed to abuse. Their punishment for seeking a better life is torture.

The same Government is telling Australians, if they want a better life, get a good job with good pay. Earn or learn. Have a go. If they can’t get a job, move to a different location.

The recent rage surrounding the ‘housing affordability’ debate and ‘tampon tax’ campaign highlights the contrast between white Australian expectations and the reality for those seeking asylum.

First home buyers, faced with rising house prices in major cities, have rightly been offended by out-of-touch Treasurer Joe Hockey’s flippant advice that they should get a good job with good pay if they want to buy a house in Sydney. But while many of these people may be currently living with their parents in the leafy suburbs, in a share house near the CBD, or renting a perfectly suitable home, asylum seekers are housed in barely liveable conditions that are ‘rat-infested, cramped and very hot’.

Australian women, angry that essential health and hygiene products are taxed as ‘luxury items’, are well within their rights to lobby for change. However it is no surprise that a Government who considers pads and tampons ‘luxury items’ for Australian women, has no concerns about restricting access to sanitary products for asylum seekers. Abbott might think a little differently if it were his wife and three daughters walking around with blood clots running down their legs.

If housing affordability comments and unfair taxes can cause so much outrage amongst Australians, why doesn’t the torture of asylum seekers?

The hypocrisy in the messages is astounding.

One group of people is subjected to torture, cruel and inhumane treatment for seeking a better life, while another group is actively encouraged to do so. And what is the difference?

Only people lucky enough to be ‘Australian’ are entitled to better their circumstances. Only people who already have a pretty good standard of living are entitled to improve their situation. It is not the responsibility of Australia to help asylum seekers. But not only that, if they come to us for help, we will torture them.

If a person is from a country destroyed by war, a minority persecuted in their homeland, stricken by poverty, we will make their life so hellish in our detention centres they would rather face persecution at home.

The ‘Stop the Boats’ policy has never been about saving lives. It was always a populist tactic to appeal to voters who believe the media rhetoric around ‘queue jumping’ and ‘illegal immigrants’. While Australians fear that ‘economic migrants’ will steal their jobs, there will always be support for draconian asylum seeker policies and no widespread condemnation of appalling conditions.

The Australian Government spends more than $1.2 billion a year on offshore detention facilities, endorsing torture, and physical and sexual abuse. It has promised to pay Cambodia $40 million to accept refugees; a country known for human rights abuses. That is a lot of money which could be spent in Australia, boosting the local economy and creating jobs for Australians.

There is no justification for the way the Australian Government is treating asylum seekers.

None at all.

It should make no difference at all if a person is a genuine refugee or economic migrant. They must be processed quickly, humanely and allowed to get on with their lives.

Staying silent is condoning the torture.

 

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Personal Choice and Economic Reality; Paid Parental Leave

Paid parental leave is contentious. Parents get fiercely protective over their right to reproduce. Non-parents get angry about subsidising ‘personal choices’. Politicians turn it into a populist game which divides the community.

First it was the baby bonus. Then Labor copped flack in 2011 with its paid parental leave scheme. People were outraged at Prime Minister Abbott’s lavish 6-months-at-full-pay policy. Now the Government’s Mothers Day backflip on Paid Parental Leave has again thrown into the spotlight, the right of a woman to have access to tax dollars on the birth of her child.

All the while, men and women are busy horizontally dancing and more babies are born.

This is reality. This is fact. It is not going to change.

No amount of protestations over whether having children is a personal choice, an essential need, a basic instinct, or a duty to society will stop men and women producing babies.

Like it or not, society as a whole pays the price for the emerging generation.

Just like every other ‘personal choice’ or ‘basic right’ or ‘duty,’ all taxpayers provide a subsidy. Federal funds are spent on road infrastructure, used by people choosing to live and travel in that area. Federal funds go to businesses, boosting the profits of the individual business owner. Federal funds buy war planes and submarines, whether the community approves or not. In each case, every tax payer funds it, whether or not they personally benefit.

But when women are attacked for accessing federal funds to help provide financial support in the first crucial months of a baby’s life, it has a nasty vibe.

Because parenthood is not just about women. It is about families. And communities.

Society depends on reproduction to survive. This is reality. It is unavoidable.

Social Services Minister Scott Morrison’s recent accusation that new mothers have been ‘double-dipping’ on paid parental leave is simply outrageous. Supporting families, supporting parenthood, and supporting new mothers and fathers makes economic sense.

The benefits of a paid parental leave scheme far outweigh the costs.

The former Government’s scheme intended for women to access both employer and federally funded schemes, if available, for very good reasons.

Money.

Poor health costs Australians billions of dollars every year. Mental health, in particular, is a massive problem for Australians. It costs over $28.6 billion a year to support people with mental illnesses.

Provision of paid parental leave is not just about women.

Studies conducted in 2012 show that 1 in 20 fathers are diagnosed with depression either before or just after their baby is born in Australia each year.

This is huge and it is a real problem.

You may not have children, but you will almost certainly work with someone who does. If that person is depressed, it will affect you. Depression results in reduced productivity, increased absenteeism and increased costs for the business. Lost productivity alone costs Australian businesses more than $310 million a year.

This in turn places enormous pressure on other employees. Workplace stress costs Australian businesses over $10 billion a year.

1 in 7 women suffer from postnatal depression and 1 in 10 suffer from anti-natal depression. Poor parental mental health affects the health and wellbeing of infants and children. Severe stress during pregnancy has the same affect a foetus as alcohol or drug use.

Yet many in society expect families to either save up a huge amount of money (at least $15,000 to cover 6 months at the minimum wage), or return to work (in some cases before a baby has had its first vital immunisations) rather than be provided with financial support.

Either option puts enormous pressure on parents and prospective parents, with negative health effects on the whole family. Which costs the taxpayer.

‘Having babies’ does not ‘cause’ depression.

But financial hardship is a well-recognised and established factor.

The World Health Organisation recommends women spend the first 6 months at home with a new baby. This is important for the mother’s health and the baby’s health. Babies should be exclusively breastfeed or bottle fed until 6 months of age. Babies form crucial bonds during this time with their primary care-giver. Their future security, good attachment to people and self-worth is dependent on a positive, caring and nurturing start. A babies’ capacity to be a well-functioning and useful member of society as an adult is dependent on a good beginning.

The former Liberal Party’s paid parental leave policy acknowledged this with its proposed 6 months of full pay for working mothers. Labor’s scheme accounted for employee paid leave by offering mothers 18 weeks on the minimal wage. In combination with the average 9.7 weeks of maternity leave provided by employers, this afforded them a possible 6 months at home caring for their child.

Independent reports show that since the introduction of Labor’s Paid Parental Leave scheme in 2011, health outcomes for mothers and babies improved and workforce participation for women increased.

This should be celebrated.

Instead, mothers have been labelled as ‘double-dippers’ and accused of rorting the system.

Today’s economy is based on two incomes. For many families, with rising costs of living, it is simply not possible to save up enough money to completely cover a whole lost income while a parent is at home looking after a newborn (and while it’s predominantly women, some men are primary carers too).

Arguing that men and women should not have children until they can afford it ignores basic biological reality.

Having a child is not like starting up a business. A woman has limited choice about when she can ‘have a go’ and start a family.

There is a small window to establish a career, buy a house and build up a wad of savings, before a woman reaches the grand young age of 35, when the risks and complications associated with pregnancy and childbirth increase. By the time a woman reaches 44, she has only a 1-2% chance of falling pregnant naturally.

The average age of a female business owner is between 35 and 44. It’s not realistic to expect women to wait so long to start a family.

Times have changed. The one income family is not feasible for most couples. People who had children a generation ago and say they ‘managed to have babies without paid parental leave’ are ignoring reality. Communities have changed. Grandparents, relatives and neighbours are no longer available to help – they are too busy working themselves.

Today’s society gives rise to the perfect conditions for increased postnatal and antenatal depression in both men and women. This comes at a huge cost to the taxpayer and businesses.

It makes economic sense to support parents. It makes economic sense to take steps to improve health outcomes from infancy. It makes economic sense to provide new mothers with financial support to assist them to spend the first 6 months at home with their children.

It does not make economic sense to divide society with outlandish, inflammatory and incorrect claims that women are ‘double-dipping’ by accessing work and government paid parental leave schemes.

The reality remains that men and women will continue to have babies. Personal choice or not.

Eva Cripps is a freelance writer with a keen interest in legal, social justice and community matters. She has a Bachelor of Laws degree with First Class Honours, and is currently in the final year of studying for the Bachelor of Social Science, majoring in Social Justice and Behavioural Science. She’s also a mother to two young children and lives in Tasmania.