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Transforming Australia’s Democracy for the People

By Denis Hay

Transforming Australia’s Democracy: From Representation to True People’s Power.

Description

Discover how Australia’s democracy can evolve from representation to a true people-powered system, using its monetary sovereignty.

Introduction

Australia’s current political system is termed a “representative democracy,” where citizens elect members of parliament to make decisions on their behalf. While this structure provides a degree of public participation, it often fails to be a true democracy “of the people, by the people, for the people.” Corporate interests and political elites often influence decision-making, leaving many Australians feeling disconnected from the process. This article explores how Australia can evolve its democracy to be more inclusive and representative, using its monetary sovereignty to ensure that the needs of all citizens are genuinely met.

Shortcomings of Representative Democracy

1. Current State of Representative Democracy in Australia

Definition and Structure: Representative democracy involves electing officials to make laws and policies on behalf of the public. While it provides a means for citizens to influence governance, the system can lead to decision-making that reflects the interests of a minority rather than the broader population.

Between elections, voters have limited direct influence over political decisions. Public participation is often reduced to occasional petitions, protests, or contacting representatives, which may not lead to significant policy changes.

Elected officials do not have to follow their constituents’ wishes once in office, allowing them to pursue agendas influenced by party lines, donors, and lobbyists instead. Furthermore, mechanisms like town hall meetings or public consultations often serve more as formalities than genuine opportunities for citizen input, leaving many Australians feeling powerless to affect decisions that impact their lives.

This disconnect between elections fosters voter apathy and disengagement, as citizens perceive that their voice has little impact beyond the ballot box.”

Additional Information:

Lobbying and Donor Influence: The influence of lobbyists and political donors can overshadow the preferences of ordinary voters. Policies and legislative decisions can be swayed by entities that provide financial support to campaigns, creating a system where political access and influence are tied to wealth and resources.

Lack of Mechanisms for Citizen Input: While there are some channels for public engagement, such as giving feedback on proposed legislation or taking part in advisory committees, these are often limited in scope and impact. The absence of robust mechanisms like citizen-initiated referendums or recall elections means that voters have little recourse if their representatives do not act in their interests.

Party Discipline: Australian political parties typically enforce strict discipline among their members, meaning that individual representatives may be compelled to vote along party lines, even if it conflicts with their constituents’ views. This reduces the effectiveness of public lobbying efforts targeting individual MPs.

Limitations and Criticisms

1. Influence of Corporate Interests: Corporations and wealthy donors often have more influence on policy than ordinary citizens. This can result in policies that favour business interests over public welfare.

2. Voter Apathy and Disengagement: A lack of faith in the political system leads to low voter turnout and increased numbers of informal votes, reflecting a disengagement with the political process.

2. Public Trust and Accountability Issues

Lack of Accountability: Many citizens feel their representatives are not held accountable for their actions. This feeling is worsened by the limited ability of the public to directly influence policy between elections.

Case Study: The National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC): The NACC, set up to combat corruption, has faced criticism for being ineffective. While it can investigate politicians and public officials for serious or systemic corrupt conduct, its powers are limited. For example, public hearings are only allowed in exceptional circumstances, reducing transparency. Moreover, it cannot investigate state or local government officials, further limiting its scope.

Supporting information:

What can the NACC investigate?

Who can the NACC investigate?

How can the NACC Commissioner deal with a corruption issue?

3. Impact of a Flawed System

Policy Decisions Skewed Towards Privatisation and Corporate Benefits: Privatisation and outsourcing of public services have often led to poorer outcomes for citizens, with higher costs and lower quality services.

Social Inequities: Policies influenced by corporate interests often overlook critical social issues, such as affordable housing, healthcare, and education, worsening social inequality.

Why the Current System is Failing Australians

1. Growing Disillusionment with Major Political Parties

Both major parties, Labor, and the Coalition, have adopted neoliberal policies, often contrary to public demand for fair governance. This shift has resulted in many voters feeling politically homeless, driving the rise of minor parties and independents.

2. Underrepresentation of Marginalised Groups

Indigenous communities, poor individuals, and other marginalised groups are often excluded from the political conversation. This lack of representation results in policies that do not address their specific needs.

3. Consequences of Limited Engagement

Economic and Social Costs: Rising economic inequality, housing affordability issues, and workforce casualisation are direct outcomes of policies favouring the wealthy. Environmental policies are similarly compromised, often influenced by industries that receive help from lax regulations.

Transforming Australia’s Democracy

1. Implementing Direct Democracy Mechanisms

Citizen-Initiated Referendums and Plebiscites: Introduce mechanisms allowing citizens to propose and vote on laws directly. This can bypass traditional legislative bottlenecks and ensure policies reflect public sentiment.

Participatory Budgeting: Enable communities to decide how public funds are distributed for local projects, ensuring spending aligns with community needs and priorities.

VoteWrap: For a Representative Democracy to be a functioning democracy there needs to be an effective, efficient and timely way for the voters of each electorate to tell their Representative how they want them to vote on Bills before Parliament.

2. Strengthening Democratic Institutions

Reforming the National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC): The NACC needs enhanced powers, such as broader authority to investigate past misconduct and increased transparency in proceedings. This would allow it to act more effectively against corruption at all levels of government.

Setting up an Independent Federal Anti-Corruption Body: Expand the NACC’s powers to include investigating historical cases of corruption and allow public hearings in more cases. This would improve transparency and public trust.

3. Expanding Public Engagement and Transparency

Reforming Political Donation Laws: Implement stricter limits on political donations and increase transparency around lobbying activities to reduce undue influence on policy.

Enhancing Access to Government Data: Make government data and decision-making processes more accessible to the public to improve accountability and enable informed citizen participation.

4. Leveraging Australia’s Monetary Sovereignty for Public Good

Public Funding for Essential Services: Use Australia’s monetary sovereignty to directly fund public infrastructure, healthcare, education, and housing. This would ensure that essential services are adequately provided without relying on private sector intermediaries.

Investing in Sustainable Development: Direct public funds into renewable energy, public transport, and sustainable infrastructure to ensure long-term economic and environmental health.

Summary

Australia’s representative democracy has significant room for improvement. By implementing direct democracy mechanisms, reforming the NACC, and using monetary sovereignty, Australia can create a more inclusive political system. Citizens must advocate for these changes to build a democracy that genuinely reflects their will and serves their interests.

Question for Readers

What changes do you believe would make Australia’s democracy more representative and effective?

Call to Action

Join the discussion by sharing your thoughts in the comments below. For more insights on transforming Australian democracy, subscribe to our newsletter!

Social Sharing

If you found this article valuable, please share it with your friends and followers on social media. Your voice can help drive the change Australia needs.

 

This article was originally published on Social Justice Australia

 

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Trump assassination attempt: US haunted by 1968’s ghosts, but there will be more

By Bruce Wolpe

In this epochal year in America of political upheaval, the only thing we should not be shocked about is that there are huge shocks to the country. There will be more. Americans and everyone invested in that country’s future need to steel themselves for the events that will unfold.

Many acute observers have already drawn parallels with the last presidential election year of seismic eruptions: 1968. An unpopular Democratic president, Lyndon Johnson, under siege from an immensely tragic war with no end in sight and no path to victory in November, announced he was leaving the field. His vice president, Hubert Humphrey, took up the party’s mantle, only to be challenged by Robert F. Kennedy, brother of the president slain five years previously.

The country was engulfed in the civil rights and anti-war movements. On April 4, Martin Luther King Jr was assassinated in Memphis. On June 5, Kennedy was assassinated in Los Angeles. The country, divided in despair, turned to former vice president Richard Nixon, who won the election. Nixon adopted the message on a sign carried by a young girl at a Nixon rally that read, “Bring us together again.”

The horrific events of 1968 inflicted immense damage on America’s political culture. It took years to recover. America would remain divided throughout the Nixon presidency, culminating in his resignation over the worst presidential scandal to that point in history, Watergate. Jimmy Carter was elected in 1976 with the slogan: “I’ll Never Lie To You”. Carter said he wanted “a government as good as its people.”

Joe Biden’s stepping aside was the obverse of Lyndon Johnson’s fateful decision. Unlike the Democrats of 1968, the party gathered immediately behind Kamala Harris and is today united on par with the wave of enthusiasm and hope that carried Barack Obama to his landslide win in 2008.

Indeed, throughout Obama’s presidency, many had fears that it was only a matter of time before the first black president would find an assassin’s crosshairs. It never came to be. But the nightmare is resurrected by the presence on the political stage of Kamala Harris, who was immediately the victim of the ugliest barbs about her racial identity along with her gender.

The ghosts of 1968 live. In the back of the minds of many of us with lived experience of these events, it was not a surprise when Trump was attacked and came within a centimetre of death at his rally in Butler, Pennsylvania. The only shock was the news, not the fact that bullets had been fired.

These fears gnaw at us. They are exacerbated by the huge divisiveness across the county. Trump’s army of supporters is welded onto him. He has not lost any votes to Harris. The closeness of the race is due to her recapturing millions who voted for Biden in 2020 but who were unenthusiastic about his campaign this year.

Whether Trump is leading a mass movement or cult, most of his supporters have complete buy-in to his dark conspiracy theories. After he was shot, Trump’s mood at first became more reflective, taking into account the enormity of the mortal threat. He reflected on God and his personal mission. Trump spoke movingly of unity at the Republican convention right after the shooting. But in subsequent days, as he absorbed the failure of the Secret Service to protect him, there emerged a view that the agency’s inexcusable lapse might have been part of a conspiracy from within the “deep state” to take Trump down.

The assassination attempt was an “inside job,” Trump has said. During last week’s debate with Harris, Trump said, referring to his opponents, “I probably took a bullet to the head because of the things that they say about me.”

Sunday’s near attack in Florida, even though it was thwarted, will raise tensions that the threat is ongoing and will further congeal, just as occurred after the first attack in Pennsylvania, his personal support. Trump’s margin of approval over Biden went up after that attack.

Given the early bump in the polls Harris received after their debate, this means, for the immediate future, that this presidential race will remain tighter than ever. Which means in turn that the levels of anxiety, fear, divisiveness and angst will continue and intensify until election day in November.

There is no immediate antidote to salve the wounds in the country’s political culture. The best leadership right now is condemning any and all political violence. But that pales, in emotional terms, to the desire of each side to beat the other, with each side believing that only if they win can the country be set on the right course.

Trump’s are the politics of grievance. They are very hard to reconcile with the call from Harris, with her politics of hope and joy, to turn the page. This was tough enough before the shootings started. America today is stalked by near tragedy, if not tragedy itself.

This article was originally published in The Sydney Morning Herald and has been republished with permission from the author.

Bruce Wolpe is a Senior Fellow (non-resident) at the United States Studies Centre. Bruce is a regular contributor on US politics across media platforms in Australia. In recent years, Bruce has worked with the Democrats in Congress during President Barack Obama’s first term, and on the staff of Prime Minister Julia Gillard. He has also served as the former PM’s chief of staff. From 1998-2009, Bruce was a senior executive at Fairfax Media in Sydney.

Bruce is author of Trump’s Australia, an examination of Donald Trump’s possible return to the presidency and the issues presented to Australia (Allen & Unwin, 2023), The Committee, a study of President Obama’s legislative agenda in Congress (University of Michigan Press, 2018, 2d Edition September 2021) and Lobbying Congress: How The System Works (Congressional Quarterly Books, 1990, 1996).

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Peter Dutton and the pursuit of fame

By Noel Wauchope

Peter Dutton is the leader of Australia’s opposition party – the Liberal-National Coalition.

Which is pretty noteworthy and important, anyway. But of course, he would be more important if he is elected as Prime Minister in 2025. But is that enough fame for him?

Dutton aspires to a greater, global, significance. He would be the first world leader to introduce the commercial, peaceful, advanced nuclear industry to not just a country, but to an entire continent. And not to some “third-world” “undeveloped” country “in need of charity” – but to a prosperous, privileged, purportedly well-educated, and still mainly white population.

For the global nuclear industry – that would be a first! And not just any old first, but an extremely timely one. Just released this week, The World Nuclear Industry Status Report 2024 describes an industry on life support. Even back in 2016 Former World Nuclear Association executive Steve Kidd spoke to this problem, noting that “the industry is essentially running to stand still.”

For Australia to adopt a government-run nuclear industry involving both large and small nuclear reactors across a continent – what a wonderful shot in the arm for the global nuclear lobby. And Dutton – what a hero!

Dutton would be famous not just in Australia, but world-wide

Is this why Peter Dutton is promoting his nuclear policy?

I can’t think of any other reason.

Australia, especially in the State of South Australia, is becoming a world leader in renewable energy use – particularly in decentralised household rooftop solar, but also in large solar and wind programmes. Of course, Australia’s mining magnates are pretty happy with Dutton’s plan, as it will mean more mining, not just of uranium, but of coal and gas in the decades before nuclear power actually comes into use.

So – look – it’s a winner for Dutton’s fame.

And if that doesn’t work, there’s fame in another way

The last Liberal Prime Minister, Scott Morrison, is a great contender for the worst Prime Minister in Australian history. Just a few of his achievements to merit this award were:

Economically, the nuclear power programme, added to the continuing AUKUS nuclear deal, could pretty well bankrupt Australia. Although Dutton claims that nuclear power will be cheap, he’s given no costings, and the over-riding opinion of energy and economics experts is that nuclear power would be the most expensive form of energy for Australia.

Environmentally, Dutton’s plan includes advanced nuclear reactors, which will require plutonium or enriched uranium – so this brings virtually eternal radioactive pollution into Australia (something that has been nearly avoided up until now). It also brings the hazards of nuclear weapons proliferation, and terrorism targets.

So – it’s a bold venture for Peter Dutton, to centre his election campaign on promoting the nuclear industry. He is to be commended for bravery in taking such a big risk.

If Dutton carries this through, as Prime Minister, he will rapidly gain world fame.

But also, as far as Australia is concerned, he could beat Scott Morrison into history as the nation’s worst Prime Minister.

Dutton’s big risk is that he might not get elected in 2025, and vanish very quickly from history.

 

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$140 per person – new study analyses Government prevention spending

Public Health Association of Australia / Australian and New Zealand Journal of Public Health Media Release

A new study published today shows that less than 2% of total Government health spending in Australia goes towards public health efforts like infectious and chronic disease protection, prevention and health promotion. The research also uncovered a lack of transparency in exactly how much and where public health money is spent.

Leading public health experts says the research demonstrates the need for a new Government model to ensure that public health spending has maximum impact and is visible.

Published in the Australian and New Zealand Journal of Public Health, the study is the first to analyse and map public health funding from both Federal and State/Territory Governments. It was funded by The Australian Prevention Partnership Centre, a research, policy and practice collaboration and Centre of the Sax Institute.

The study reports that in 2019-20, 1.8% of overall health spending (or $140 per person) was allocated to public health initiatives, though the amount varies among states and territories. For example, the Northern Territory spent $527 per person on public health, while Victoria spent $110.

Lead author, Emeritus Professor Alan Shiell from La Trobe University says that “the effectiveness of public health funding isn’t just determined by how much funding is given, but also how it is allocated.

“Our research uncovered a complex and piece-meal funding system. While delegating funding decisions to the states and territories who understand local need is a strength of our current model, it leaves the public in the dark about exactly where the money is going and exactly how much is being spent on public health.

“It also makes it very hard for us to assess what difference public health spending is making.”

Adjunct Professor Terry Slevin, CEO, Public Health Association of Australia says that as well as greater transparency, the study demonstrates the need for a new Government funding model for prevention to ensure that the health budget is effectively spent.

“After a clear “spike” in public health spending due to the pandemic, investment in this area looks to have returned to pre COVID levels.

“We have a sophisticated system to determine the best investment in medicines – the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (PBS). We need a similar system to ensure that proven, cost-effective public health programs receive consistent funding.

“This would help ensure more consistent and effective health spending to help everyone in Australia live healthier lives.

“The Australian Centre for Disease Control could play an active role in developing this proposed funding model. Prime Minister Albanese is on the record as saying prevention will be one a focus of the Centre,” Prof Slevin added.

Over the last 10 years, the Prevention Centre have strengthened the evidence base for where to target investment in prevention action. Further investment in proven strategies will improve chronic disease outcomes nationally.

Head of The Australian Prevention Partnership Centre Nadia Mastersson says, “this research should encourage discussion on how public health funding mechanisms in Australia can be improved to ultimately keep more Australians healthy and well.”

 

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Why Labor Seeks LNP Support for Legislation

By Denis Hay

Why Does Labor Seek Support from the Disgraced LNP to Pass Legislation?

Description

Analysing why Labor seeks LNP support and bypasses Greens, passing laws affecting Australia’s political landscape and using public money.

Introduction: The Puzzle of Labor’s Legislative Strategy

Labor’s collaboration with the LNP for passing legislation has raised questions about its political strategy. If the legislation is beneficial, why avoid the Greens and other progressive MPs? This article unravels the complexities behind these decisions and their implications for Australia’s political landscape. We’ll explore the motivations, consequences, and potential reforms to ensure that legislation truly serves the public.

Labor’s Strategic Reliance on the LNP

1. Historical Context: Labor’s Legislative Alliances

Labor’s history of seeking support from the LNP is not new. This strategy reflects a broader trend where parties prioritize stability and perceived centrism over ideological alignment. Labor’s shift towards neoliberalism has made it more amenable to conservative policies, resulting in a partnership with the LNP that undermines progressive agendas.

Neoliberal Influence on Labor’s Policy Shifts

Labor’s policies have increasingly mirrored neoliberal economic principles, focusing on market-driven solutions. This ideological alignment with the LNP on economic matters has helped their cooperation on legislation, especially concerning financial and corporate regulations. The influence of neoliberalism on both parties has eroded the distinct policy lines that traditionally separated them, making collaboration more possible.

Supporting Reference: Neoliberal Influence on Australian Politics.

2. Motivations Behind Seeking LNP Support

Labor’s reliance on LNP support stems from several strategic and ideological factors.

Political Strategy and Power Dynamics

Labor often faces a choice: engage in complex negotiations with the Greens and crossbench members or secure a more straightforward agreement with the LNP. The latter is often seen to avoid political fragmentation and keep control over legislative processes.

Perception of Stability: Aligning with the LNP allows Labor to project a stable image, particularly to centrist voters who may be wary of progressive policies.

Centrism as an Electoral Strategy: Labor’s focus on appealing to a broad voter base, including those sympathetic to conservative policies, has led to compromises on key issues, from economic policies to social welfare reforms.

Ideological Alignment with Neoliberal Policies

Labor’s shift towards a centrist, neoliberal framework means it often shares common ground with the LNP, particularly on economic issues like budget surplus targets and corporate regulations. This alignment reduces the ideological friction in legislative negotiations, making LNP support a convenient choice.

Supporting Reference: Labor’s Ideological Shift.

3. Consequences for Policy and Governance

This reliance on LNP support has profound implications for policy outcomes and public trust.

Legislation Favoured by the LNP

Labor’s partnership with the LNP often results in legislation that favours corporate interests over citizen welfare. For example:

Tax Policies: Recent tax cuts helping high-income earners were passed with LNP support, sidelining calls from the Greens and crossbench members for more progressive taxation.

Environmental Regulations: LNP-backed legislation tends to weaken environmental protections, undermining Australia’s commitments to climate action.

Marginalization of Progressive Policies

Relying on the LNP sidelines progressive policies, as seen in the debate over climate action and social welfare reforms. Labor’s reluctance to collaborate with the Greens and other progressive MPs prevents the implementation of robust policies that could address systemic issues such as housing affordability and environmental sustainability.

Erosion of Public Trust

Voters perceive this collaboration as a betrayal of Labor’s progressive roots, leading to disillusionment. Public confidence in Labor’s ability to stand for citizen interests diminishes, contributing to political apathy and disengagement.

Supporting Reference: Impact of LNP-Labor Collaboration.

The Cost of Legislative Compromise

1. The Human Impact of Diluted Legislation

When Labor chooses LNP support over progressive alliances, the result is often legislation that does not address the needs of vulnerable communities. For instance:

Social Services Cuts: Legislation that prioritizes budget cuts over expanding social services disproportionately affects low-income families, the elderly, and marginalized communities.

Inadequate Climate Action:
Compromises on environmental policies mean Australia falls short of its climate goals, worsening issues like bushfires and extreme weather events that directly affect citizens’ lives.

These compromises have long-term implications, perpetuating social inequalities and environmental degradation. The public, particularly those who voted for progressive change, feels increasingly disenfranchised.

Emotional Toll and Disillusionment

The belief that Labor is willing to compromise core values for political expediency leads to a sense of betrayal among its traditional voter base. This emotional toll is clear in declining membership and support for the party, as voters turn to alternative parties or disengage from politics altogether.

Supporting Reference: Voter Disillusionment with Labor.

2. Undermining Democratic Processes

By bypassing the Greens and crossbench members, Labor undermines the democratic process. The Greens and other MPs stand for diverse viewpoints that are crucial for a robust parliamentary debate. Excluding them from significant legislative decisions marginalizes these perspectives and weakens the democratic process.

Loss of Representative Diversity

This approach narrows the range of perspectives considered in legislation, leading to policies that do not reflect the diverse needs of Australian society. It perpetuates a system where the interests of a few outweigh the common good, fostering cynicism about the effectiveness of democratic institutions.

Supporting Reference: Challenges to Democratic Representation.

Advocating for a More Inclusive Legislative Process

1. Embracing Collaboration with the Greens and Crossbench Members
Benefits of a Diverse Coalition

Collaborating with the Greens and crossbench members can lead to more comprehensive and effective legislation. For example:

Climate Policies: Engaging with the Greens can strengthen environmental legislation, ensuring that Australia meets its international commitments and mitigates climate risks.

Social Welfare Reforms: Collaboration with progressive MPs can lead to stronger social safety nets, addressing issues like homelessness and income inequality more effectively.

Building a Progressive Alliance

Labor can form a progressive alliance with the Greens and other crossbench members to push through legislation that genuinely helps Australians. This would involve:

Negotiating on Common Ground: Finding shared goals, such as healthcare reform or environmental protection, to build a cohesive legislative agenda.

Transparent Policy Development: Engaging with stakeholders and the public to develop policies that reflect the needs and aspirations of all Australians.

Supporting Reference: Benefits of Progressive Collaboration.

2. Reconnecting with Voter Base through Policy Transparency

Policy Platforms Aligned with Citizen Needs

Labor must commit to policy platforms that align with the needs of its voter base. This involves:

Developing Clear Policy Positions: Communicating policy positions clearly to differentiate from the LNP and avoid perceptions of ideological compromise.

Engaging with Community Concerns: Conducting consultations and forums to ensure that policy platforms reflect the concerns of the community, particularly on issues like healthcare, housing, and climate action.

Rebuilding Trust through Accountability

Labor should implement mechanisms for accountability, such as independent reviews of legislation and public forums for policy discussion. This would show a commitment to transparency and responsiveness.

Supporting Reference: Policy Transparency and Public Trust.

Reclaiming Labor’s Progressive Vision

Labor’s reliance on LNP support to pass legislation is a strategic choice that compromises its progressive principles. By prioritizing political expediency over collaboration with the Greens and crossbench members, Labor undermines democratic processes and alienates its voter base. To regain public trust and create meaningful change, Labor must embrace a more inclusive approach, aligning its policies with the needs of the Australian people.

Call to Action

If you believe in a more transparent and inclusive political system, share this article and join the conversation on how Labor can better serve Australian citizens. Explore more resources on our website: Social Justice Australia for insights on building a compassionate and ethical political system.

Question for Readers

Do you think Labor’s strategy of collaborating with the LNP is justified, or should it seek alliances with more progressive parties to achieve meaningful reforms?

Social Sharing

Share this article with your network to spark a discussion on how we can hold political parties accountable and advocate for policies that serve the public interest.

This article was originally published on Social Justice Australia.

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Greater access to care at home welcome, roll out and implementation will be critical to success

Palliative Care Australia Media Release

News of greater support for older Australians to be cared for at home recognises the wishes of older Australians and the complexity of care at the end of life.

The End-of-Life Pathway, announced by Aged Care Minister, Anika Wells, will provide up to $25,000 in additional aged care support at home during the final three months of life, under the Support at Home Program.

“This is a generous entitlement and responds to the advocacy of PCA and our members,” says Professor Meera Agar, PCA Chair.

“The new pathway recognises that people who are closer to the end of their life have greater needs and require specific investment to allow them to stay at home, it also recognises that 90% of Australians say they want to be cared for at home, with appropriate supports.

“We look forward to the detail of the policy being shared and contributing to the roll out and implementation of the new pathway to make sure it works for people, families, and the various health systems involved.”

Key aspects of the announcement requiring more detail include:

  • Tying the funding to a three-month prognosis could be problematic because some older people living at home with a palliative condition need additional care well before that time frame.
  • The application and assessment process needs be simple, provide maximum flexibility, and enable services to be delivered immediately.
  • How the new entitlements will be accessed by people in rural and regional areas, where challenges persist in finding and retaining qualified staff across health and aged care.

The introduction of the Government’s new aged care legislation to parliament is also positive progress. The new legislation helps make palliative care “core business” for aged care providers, in line with the recommendations of Aged Care Royal Commission.

PCA and our members hope that once the Aged Care Act is in place the community will see further improvements in access to palliative care in all aged care settings.

“If the home care or residential aged care systems can’t respond then inevitability older Australians who are dying end up in hospital needlessly and against their end of life wishes,” Prof Agar says.

“Some providers and communities are better placed than others to access palliative care. We need to reduce that variability so that whoever you are and wherever you live, you can access quality of life at the end of life.

“Another issue we’ll keep raising with government are the needs of people under 65 who require 24/7 care within a health facility.

“The new Aged Care Act will confirm that aged care is only for older people. That is fine as long as people under 65 who have similar needs can get that help through other channels – something that is yet to be worked out.

“We have found the Government to be constructive partners in all the related health and care reforms, and PCA will continue to play an active role in future consultation and parliamentary processes,” Prof Agar says.

 

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Public Housing and Why Australia Prefers Developers

By Denis Hay

Description

Discover why the Australian government backs developers for building public housing, affecting affordability. Learn how Australia’s monetary sovereignty could change this.

Introduction

Australia’s housing affordability crisis is at a tipping point. While the demand for affordable housing surges, the government continues to rely on developers rather than investing in public housing directly. Why is this the case? This article delves into the political, economic, and ideological reasons behind this decision. Australia’s monetary sovereignty provides opportunities to shift policy, but the question is still: will the government act?

Housing Affordability in Australia

As of 2024, Australia’s housing affordability crisis continues to worsen. Recent data from the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) shows that house prices have increased by 7.5% in 2023, contributing to a 32% rise in housing prices since 2020. Meanwhile, wages have grown by just 2.3% per year over the same period, making homeownership an unattainable dream for many Australians. In 2024, the median house price in Sydney surpassed $1.4 million, while Melbourne’s median price reached nearly $1 million.

The rental market is equally strained. In major cities, rental vacancy rates have fallen below 1%, driving up rental prices. The latest CoreLogic data reveals that in 2023, rental prices rose by 8.3% nationally, with some areas experiencing increases as high as 15%. As a result, more Australians are experiencing housing stress, defined as spending more than 30% of their income on housing costs. The Australian Council of Social Service (ACOSS) estimates that in 2024, around 45% of low-income earners are experiencing housing stress, up from 35% in 2020.

Why Is Housing Becoming Unaffordable?

1. Supply and Demand: The supply of affordable housing is not keeping pace with demand. The government’s reliance on private developers has resulted in a focus on high-end developments, which are priced out of reach for many Australians.
2. Wage Stagnation: Wage growth has been outstripped by rising property prices, making homeownership and even renting difficult for average Australians.
3. Inadequate Public Housing: Australia’s public housing stock since the 1970s and the shift toward private market solutions:

Inadequate Public Housing: A Historical Decline

Public housing in Australia has seen a marked decline since the 1970s, with successive governments gradually reducing their commitment to providing affordable homes directly. In the 1970s, public housing accounted for around 6.5% of Australia’s total housing stock, reflecting a strong government focus on providing affordable homes. At that time, public housing was seen as a crucial element of Australia’s social welfare system.

Decline of Public Housing Over the Decades:

1. 1970s: Public housing represented approximately 6.5% of Australia’s housing stock, with strong federal and state government investment in social housing. The Whitlam government, for instance, made substantial investments in public housing as part of its social welfare agenda.

2. 1980s: By the early 1980s, the public housing stock had started to decline as neoliberal economic policies gained influence. The Hawke and Keating governments shifted focus towards market-based solutions, reducing the construction of new public housing. Public housing as a proportion of total housing stock began to shrink, dropping to around 5.5% by the mid-1980s.

3. 1990s: The 1990s saw a further reduction in public housing investment, as governments increasingly looked to private developers to provide housing. The stock of public housing continued to decrease, with public housing making up only around 5%of the total housing stock by the end of the decade. Policies shifted towards encouraging homeownership and providing rental help for private market housing, rather than building more public housing.

4. 2000s: By the early 2000s, public housing accounted for just 4.7% of the housing stock. The focus on privatization and market-driven solutions continued under both Liberal and Labor governments. Public housing construction was deprioritized, and private-public partnerships were increasingly used for social housing projects.

5. 2010s: The decline continued into the 2010s, as public housing stock fell to 4.4% by 2011. The emphasis was placed on providing rental subsidies and housing help programs like the National Rental Affordability Scheme (NRAS), which incentivized private developers to provide low-cost rental housing. However, these efforts did not replace the loss of direct public housing.

6. 2020s: By 2023, public housing represented just around 4.2% of Australia’s total housing stock, a significant drop from the 6.5% in the 1970s. Despite rising housing stress and homelessness, government policies continued to favour private sector involvement over direct public housing investment. Programs focused on helping private sector development through tax incentives, subsidies, and zoning changes, rather than building new public housing.

Shifting Toward Private Market Solutions

This gradual decline in public housing stock is tied to broader neoliberal economic policies that prioritize market-based solutions over government-led projects. Rather than directly building affordable homes, governments have increasingly relied on the private sector to meet housing demand, offering incentives to developers in exchange for a part of their developments being given to affordable housing.

However, this approach has led to a shortage of affordable housing, as developers primarily focus on high-profit luxury housing, leaving lower-income Australians struggling to find affordable options. The decline in public housing stock has also resulted in longer waiting lists for public housing, with many applicants waiting for years to access affordable homes.

This data highlights the significant reduction in public housing in Australia over the decades, showing how government policies have increasingly favoured private market solutions at the expense of direct investment in public housing.

The Emotional and Social Impact of Developer-Driven Housing Policies

The government’s reliance on private developers is not just an economic issue; it also has far-reaching social consequences.

Rising Homelessness and Housing Insecurity

Australia’s homelessness crisis is growing. Data from Homelessness Australia shows that the number of people experiencing homelessness increased by 8% between 2021 and 2023, bringing the total to over 122,000 people in 2024. Families, elderly individuals, and young people are particularly vulnerable. Housing support services are overwhelmed, with charities like Mission Australia and The Salvation Army reporting a surge in demand for emergency accommodation and financial help.

A Divided Society

By supporting private developers who prioritize luxury housing, the government is worsening inequality. Wealthier Australians are accumulating property and increasing their wealth, while low-income and middle-class Australians struggle to find affordable housing options.

Stressed Renters

Renters are bearing the brunt of the housing crisis. In 2024, the proportion of Australians renting their homes reached 32%, up from 28% in 2016. With rental prices rising at unprecedented rates, many renters are living pay check to pay check. A 2024 survey from Domain revealed that 50% of renters are experiencing rental stress, up from 38% in 2020.

Why the Government Should Fund Public Housing Directly

Given Australia’s monetary sovereignty, the government can fund and build public housing without financial constraints. Below are the main reasons why direct government involvement in housing is crucial.

1. Neoliberal Ideology and Its Influence on Housing Policy

Since the 1980s, neoliberalism has shaped Australia’s housing policy. Neoliberalism promotes free markets and minimal government intervention, leading to the privatization of many public services. In the context of housing, this means relying on private developers to meet housing needs. However, the private sector is driven by profit, not by public need, resulting in a lack of affordable housing.

2. Political Ties with Developers and Real Estate Sector

The relationship between the Australian government and property developers is well-documented. Developers and the real estate industry are significant political donors, shaping housing policy to benefit their interests. According to the Australian Electoral Commission, property developers have donated over $40 million to political parties between 2010 and 2024. This financial influence ensures that developers receive favourable tax treatments, zoning laws, and incentives, while direct public housing initiatives are sidelined.

Example: Property magnate Harry Triguboff, Australia’s richest developer, has been a major donor to both political parties, highlighting the entrenched relationship between the real estate industry and Australian politics.

3. The Myth of Cost: Public Housing vs. Private Development

One common argument against direct public housing investment is cost. Governments often claim it is cheaper to incentivize private developers to build housing than to fund public housing projects directly. However, this view ignores the long-term social and economic costs of not providing affordable housing.

Short-term vs. Long-term Costs: While private development may seem cost-effective in the short term, the lack of affordable housing leads to increased homelessness, reliance on welfare services, and reduced economic productivity. Direct public housing investment would reduce these social costs over time.

Australia’s Monetary Sovereignty: As a sovereign currency issuer, the Australian government can create and allocate public money for vital infrastructure projects, including public housing. This makes the argument of cost moot, as the government has the financial capacity to fund large-scale public housing initiatives without borrowing or increasing taxes.

4. Public Housing Stigma and Voter Perceptions

There is a persistent stigma attached to public housing in Australia, which has been a significant factor in the government’s reluctance to fund it. This stigma dates to the 1970s and is rooted in the association of public housing with poverty, crime, and social problems.

Public Housing Decline Since the 1970s: In the 1970s, public housing accounted for around 6.5% of Australia’s housing stock. However, this figure has steadily declined, reaching just 4.2% in 2023. Government investment in public housing has fallen dramatically over the decades, with successive governments favouring private market solutions. In 1975, the federal government gave 10% of its total budget to housing and urban development; by 2024, this figure had dropped to less than 2%.

Changing Perceptions: Despite the stigma, well-designed and maintained public housing can be a practical solution to the housing crisis. Countries like Austria and Singapore have shown that public housing can provide high-quality, affordable homes without negative social connotations.

5. The Corporate Profit Motive: Affordable Housing vs. Luxury Developments

Private developers are driven by profit, not public interest. As such, they focus on luxury developments that generate higher returns, rather than building affordable housing. Even when the government offers incentives for affordable housing, these projects are often overshadowed by high-end developments.

Case Study: In 2023, a study by the Grattan Institute found that despite government incentives, only 10% of new housing developments in Sydney and Melbourne were classified as affordable, compared to 30% in the 1990s.

6. International Models: How Other Countries Approach Public Housing

Countries like Singapore and Austria offer valuable lessons for Australia in how to effectively manage public housing.

Singapore: Singapore’s public housing system provides homes for 80% of its population, with the government taking an active role in the planning, funding, and construction of public housing. This approach has created a stable and affordable housing market.

Austria: Vienna’s public housing model is another example of success. In Vienna, over 60% of residents live in publicly funded housing. The city’s long-term investment in public housing has helped keep rents affordable and provided high-quality housing for residents across all income levels.

 


Conclusion

Australia’s current approach to housing – relying on private developers to meet demand – has failed to provide affordable housing for those who need it most. The government’s reluctance to invest directly in public housing is rooted in neoliberal ideology, political ties with developers, and a misguided focus on short-term costs. However, by embracing its monetary sovereignty and committing to large-scale public housing investment, Australia could address the housing crisis and ensure that every citizen has access to a safe, affordable home.

Question for Readers

Do you think public housing is the solution to Australia’s housing crisis, or should developers continue to play the leading role?

Call to Action

If you believe Australia needs more public housing and less reliance on developers, share this article and let your voice be heard. Join the conversation by leaving a comment or exploring more articles on how Australia can take control of its housing future.

This article was originally published on Social Justice Australia

 

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Saul Eslake: Super for housing deposits will exacerbate the housing affordability crisis

Using super for a housing deposit would make homes more expensive, hinder the home ownership aspirations of young Australians, reduce retirement incomes, and lead to a significant long-term cost to the Budget, a Corinna Economic Advisory report authored by Saul Eslake has found.

In an independent report, commissioned by the Super Members Council, Mr Eslake charts how a long list of demand-side Australian housing policies over several decades have simply made homes more expensive.

He warns super for a house would be the worst of all.

“We have 60 years of history, which unambiguously tells us, anything that allows Australians to pay more for housing than they otherwise could leads to more expensive housing and not more homeowners,” he said.

“Of all the demand-fuelling housing policies, the Coalition’s super for housing policy would be the biggest – it can only lead to higher prices.”

“If super for house was introduced, it would be one of the worst public policy decisions in the last six decades.”

Mr Eslake said the decline in home ownership rates could undermine a key assumption in Australia’s retirement system – that most retirees will own their own home – and noted the need to expand housing supply.

However, the Coalition’s ‘Super Home Buyer Scheme’ under which people would be allowed to withdraw up to 40% of their superannuation savings up to a maximum of $50,000, would likely hinder home ownership aspirations for younger Australians.

The Corinna Economic Advisory report points to 17 years of evidence from a similar New Zealand scheme to back its findings. New Zealand’s KiwiSaver allows for withdrawal for home deposits, but since its introduction home ownership rates have declined by 2.1 per cent overall and by 5.7 per cent for people in their early 30s.

“Advice given by New Zealand’s Treasury said the benefit of KiwiSaver would go to sellers in a supply-constrained market, and that’s exactly what has occurred. There are fewer homeowners since the scheme’s introduction,” Mr Eslake said.

“In New Zealand, house price spikes coincide with periods in which the volumes of withdrawals from KiwiSaver accounts have rapidly risen.”

The need to carry additional cash has also harmed returns for KiwiSaver members, meaning it has returned less than the Australian MySuper members for the last 10 years. This difference in investment returns could mean $130,000 less at retirement.

Analysis of super balances also shows the scheme would heavily favour older and wealthier non-homeowners.

  • The median non-home-owning couple both aged between 35 and 44 would be able to add almost $38,500 to their deposit, which with borrowing could allow them to spend $192,500 more
  • The median couple aged between 45 and 65, if they had not previously bought a home, could spend $400,000 more
  • Compared to the median couple aged between 25-34, this archetypical home buying age could only withdraw $18,000 – leading to a $90,000 higher purchase price.

In fact, 78% of single Australians aged between 25-34 could not withdraw more than $20,000 under the scheme.

“It would do little for the people who are most in need of assistance in order to become homeowners and would do most for those who need it least,” Mr Eslake said.

“And depending on the number of homeowners who accessed the scheme, the impact on prices could be far greater than first homeowner grants.”

The scheme would also lead to those who used the scheme retiring with less super and having to be more reliant on the taxpayer-funded age pension.

Mr Eslake added one solution will not solve Australia’s housing crisis – instead we must focus on boosting the supply of housing – and, in particular, ‘affordable’ housing.

“Super for housing would just make the affordability crisis worse.”

 

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Lower bills are just the beginning: Aussies to benefit if nation reaches rooftop solar potential

The Climate Council Media Release

THE CLIMATE COUNCIL HAS LAUNCHED a new plan to seize the sun and capitalise on Australia’s rooftop solar strengths, double our solar power capacity and install two million household batteries by the end of the decade. Supercharging rooftop solar will slash household and business energy bills, cut climate pollution further and faster, and keep building our clean energy workforce.

The report comes as a YouGov poll for the Climate Council shows:

  • More than 80% of people who already have solar would recommend it to their families and friends, underlining the real benefits millions of Aussie households are already experiencing.
  • Rooftop solar is popular across the board, with 73% of Australians who don’t yet have it saying they want to get it in the future.
  • An overwhelming majority of almost three-quarters of Australians support the federal government going big on policies to drive a new wave of solar and storage installations now.

Climate Council CEO Amanda McKenzie said:

“Australians love the bill-busting benefits of rooftop solar and strongly support government action to expand it. Our ‘Seize the Sun’ report is full of bright, popular ideas on how to give more Aussies access to solar. All sides of politics should get behind rooftop solar in the run up to the next federal election.

“Supercharging rooftop solar is a triple win for Aussie businesses and families. It slashes power bills, cuts climate pollution, and powers our clean energy workforce.”

Climate Councillor, Associate Professor Tim Nelson said: “Australia leads the world in rooftop solar, with around 3.6 million Aussies already turning sunshine into savings and shaving a collective $3 billion from power bills every year.

“With Climate Council’s bright ideas for the Aussie Solar Drive and the Australian Energy Corps, we can extend the bill savings to millions more homes and businesses now, backed by household and community batteries and other technology like smart hot water systems that stabilise our grid and cut climate pollution.

“Rolling out more rooftop solar is the biggest opportunity we have right now to keep building on Australia’s clean energy momentum. It should be at the top of the agenda for all parties during the next term of parliament, and we can get the ball rolling with clear commitments today.”

More information on YouGov polling: YouGov polling, commissioned by the Climate Council in August 2024 surveyed more than 1500 Australians. A further breakdown is attached and also available here.

 

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Monash Expert: The need for Australia-wide truth in political advertising laws

Monash University Media Alert

The Federal Government has just introduced a new bill designed to combat disinformation and misinformation on the Internet, which is a positive step toward addressing content that can cause serious harm or lead to violence, such as messaging from conspiracy theorists and fringe groups.

However, in most Australian states false or misleading information in political advertising will still be permissible. False information can alter elections, affect voting participation, silence minorities, and polarise the electorate.

South Australia has had truth in political advertising laws for 39 years and the Australian Capital Territory recently introduced them.

Associate Professor Yee-Fui Ng, Deputy Director of the Australian Centre for Justice Innovation at Monash University has partnered with The Susan McKinnon Foundation to examine the effect, operation and administration of ‘truth in political advertising’ laws. The interim Truth in Political Advertising Laws: Operation and Effectiveness report (Interim Report) is based on 21 interviews with current and former premiers, ministers, MPs, electoral commissioners, political party directors/secretaries and civil society groups across South Australia, New South Wales and Victoria.

Associate Professor Ng says:

“The OECD has noted the ‘rapid and global spread of mis- and disinformation’, which ‘presents a fundamental risk to the free and fact-based exchange of information underpinning democratic debate’.

“False information can alter elections, affect voting participation, silence minorities, and polarise the electorate.

“Truth in political advertising laws have successfully operated in South Australia for 39 years and have the support of the politicians, party officials and electoral commissioners. It is time to consider introducing these laws more broadly across the federation.”

 

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Queensland’s top engineers and scientists urge investment in tech workforce to support new industries

Media Release

The Australian Academy of Technological Sciences and Engineering (ATSE) has today released its vision for Queensland under the next government, in the lead-up to the state election.

To grow and capitalise on the State’s progress across renewable, digital and manufacturing innovations, ATSE recommends five actions to unlock more economic and social benefits. They are: invest in digital skills in the regions; implement policies which incentivise efficient energy solutions; develop a state-wide sustainable water management plan; bolster adoption of emerging technologies; and develop an integrated population and land use plan.

Federal and State investments in Queensland industry like the $1 billion Solar SunShot, $940 million PsiQuantum start-up investment and significant support for critical minerals and sustainable fuels, have aimed to catalyse new lucrative industries in Queensland. These investments need to be underpinned and sustained by a robust and skilled Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics (STEM) workforce, built through targeted interventions at all levels of education and careers.

STEM skills needs are ballooning with around 450,000 new STEM-qualified occupations created nationally in the last 10 years. Support is critically needed to improve digital literacy and STEM education, particularly in regional and remote areas where access to digital technologies is more limited. Remote areas score 6 points lower on average than major cities (2023 Digital Inclusion Index).

ATSE encourages all candidates to engage with Queensland’s science and technology community to build a more prosperous and resilient Queensland.

Kylie Walker, CEO of ATSE, said the Queensland Government only invests 0.07% of its Gross State Product on developing new innovations – to meet Queensland’s ambitions, this needs to change.

“Innovation and technology are the foundations for economic growth and prosperity. We call on all candidates in the Queensland election to engage with the innovation sector to build a more prosperous future for all Queenslanders and lock in the gains the state has made in developing pioneering new industries.”

ATSE’s Queensland Division Chair Dr Sue Keay, representing over 150 of Queensland’s leading engineers and technologists, said, “Queensland has the ability to lead the nation as Australia’s innovation state, but we must invest in STEMM education and industries.”

“Improving investment in digital literacy and supporting the early adoption of new technologies will place Queensland at the front of the pack and build a stronger, more inclusive economy.”

 

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Determining Political Futures in Queensland: An Early LNP Postal Vote Harvest in 2024

By Denis Bright

Immediately after the issue of election writs voters across Queensland usually receive a personalized letter from the State LNP in non-LNP seats and from LNP members in other state seats to solicit postal vote applications.

This year’s LNP efforts replaced the personalized letters with a Dear Resident format. Envelopes received by electors come in an envelope labelled as important voting information.

There is nothing very alarming about this practice if it is an accountable attempt to inform voters of their voting options.

Here is an extract from the LNP mailout in the state electorate of Moggill even prior to the issuing of the electoral writs for 2024:

 

 

In previous elections at all levels of government, I have asked the Electoral Commission of Queensland (ECQ) to check on the legality and appropriateness of this type of mailout in the context of the current Electoral Regulation 2024:

The Electoral Act 1992 (Electoral Act) governs the conduct of parliamentary elections in Queensland. It regulates various matters including electoral rolls, registration of political parties, elections, preselection ballots, election funding and financial disclosure.

This LNP marketing procedure coexists with the ECQ own mailouts to eligible voters after the issue of the election writs. Perhaps the ECQ should mailout its own reply-paid envelopes without the partisan comments like these statements from the LNP:

 


The enclosed reply-paid-envelope for the return of the postal vote application forms does not direct the application forms straight to the ECQ but to a Postal Vote Application (PVA) Centre which is a LNP post office box at Box 938 Spring Hill 4004. Missing in action is the LNP’s logo on both the covering mailout envelope and on the reply-paid envelope to that LNP Post Office Box.

The ECQ needs to check on the historical record of this practice to ensure that:

  • a full declaration of the campaign spending on this attempt to harvest postal votes has been fully declared: this expenditure on the postal vote harvests must run into thousands of dollars for postage and administrative expenses in each electorate
  • assurances must be provided by the LNP no electorate allowances are used to fund such practices by sitting LNP members
  • similar assurances are needed about expenditures in targeted seats held by non-LNP members
  • there needs to be complete accountability in the administrative costs of these ongoing postal vote campaigns in the returns from previous election campaigns.

Postal vote strategies certainly favour the LNP. This was particularly noticeable in the Labor electorate of Cook which extends from the Cairns Hinterland to the tip of Cape York. In this electorate, the LNP won the postal vote tally by 670 to 565 against Labor at the 2020 state election.

Professor Emeritus John Wanna of Griffith University has communicated his strong reservations of these electoral harvesting practices in previous Australian elections which are controlled under the Commonwealth Electoral Act (Griffith University News and Analysis):

 


On almost the same day as the government called the federal election, political parties sent campaign material via
Australia Post offering residents an ‘Important Postal Vote Application Form’. At the head of the form is the message ‘With compliments’ plus the name of the sitting member or party candidate along with the seat name. Application forms cannot be sent until the election is formally announced or the writs are issued.

Alongside the application form endorsed by the political party candidate was a personalised letter to the voter on party’s official letterhead promoting the party’s record and candidate’s own commitments. More worryingly, however, the ‘reply paid’ envelope included in the package was addressed back to the political party’s election centre, not the AEC.

The LNPs indicated that the ‘reply paid’ form would go to the ‘PVA Centre’ at an address in Archerfield – with no indication that this is a political party address, leading voters to think that they are sending the form back to the AEC.

Labor also sent postal vote application forms but was a little more open in having the form sent back to an ALP reply-paid address.

This practice is not illegal under current legislation, but is it open and transparent? Does it observe the necessary proprieties of impartial electoral administration? Do electors know that their personal information is going to political parties? Many voters will not want their personal details going to political parties without their knowledge or approval, especially when they do not know what political parties will eventually do with that information.

The postal vote application form issued by the political parties has to be an AEC approved form – but a generic one is freely available on the AEC’s website. Political parties are replicating this form and sending it out uninvited to electors across the various divisions to maximise the postal vote – hoping to gain some advantage. This is not new; parties have long assisted in augmenting postal voting for their own interests.

What is new and troubling is that political parties are now re-routing an elector’s application through their own party channels to gain some additional information about the elector. The main information disclosed is that the applicant living at a given address is about to vote via post (and therefore may be receptive to a doork-nock visit), plus the party gains the email address and mobile phone number and date of birth of the elector, and possibly information gleaned from the security question.

The information voters are required to provide is intended to assist the AEC judge the eligibility of voters for a postal vote, not to provide data to political parties. The re-routing of the application form to political parties is most likely to advantage the major parties and incumbents with considerable resources to process the incoming information. It will tend to become an incumbency-benefiting measure. It does not particularly advantage minor parties or independents who might be challenging for a first time. Moreover, the re-routing through the political party is entirely unnecessary and adds a further administrative burden in processing an application form.

This interference with the postal vote application process is nudging us down the Americanisation of electoral administration. The various systems of electoral administration used across the USA are fundamentally not impartial and operated by party political officials often for partisan advantage.

Voters should be worried about the transfer of their personal information to party headquarters without their consent. The new practice of re-routing the postal vote application process in Australia reflects an objectionable drift towards the Americanisation of our electoral process. It will tend to lessen the confidence Australians have in the impartiality of the electoral system, which is all important to our trust in democracy.

The systematic harvesting of postal vote applications by the well-resourced LNP statewide campaign prior to the issue of election writs gives the LNP an advantage over less well-resourced candidates. It helps to lock electors into a partisan campaign strategy even before the election has commenced in earnest.

The LNP claims in its postal voting harvesting strategies that it will be tough on crime. I have politely informed the LNP Lord Mayor’s Office of the importance of keeping security lights turned on at the refurbished Witton Barracks adjacent to Indooroopilly Station car park as a preventative crime measure. I have contacted the company managing these facilities. The absence of any reply does suggest that the LNP’s war on crime is a cynical rhetorical exercise to scare electors.

It is also a tragedy for Brisbane, that the architectural jewel at Tighnabraigh was excised from Witton Barracks by the Howard Government and sold to a private family (Image: History-Witton Barracks):

 

Architectural Heritage in Private Hands at Tighnabraigh at Indooroopilly, Brisbane


So, Let’s Turn on the Lights about how much has been spent in previous state elections by the LNP on its traditional postal vote harvesting strategies and just who has been paying for these outrageous campaigning exercises in previous state elections.

 

Denis Bright (pictured) is a financial member of the Media, Entertainment and Arts Alliance (MEAA). Denis is committed to consensus-building in these difficult times. Your feedback from readers advances the cause of citizens’ journalism. Full names are not required when making comments. However, a valid email must be submitted if you decide to hit the Replies Button.

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World first: Animal welfare recognised in UAE trade deal

Australian Alliance for Animals Media Release

The Australian Alliance for Animals has welcomed news that animal welfare will be included in the Australia-UAE Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA), struck by Australia’s Trade Minister Don Farrell yesterday.

While the text of the final agreement has not yet been published, a statement on the DFAT website confirms: “CEPA includes a firm commitment that both countries will continue to improve their level of animal welfare protection” and “provides for cooperation on this important topic.”

Australian Alliance for Animals Policy Director Dr Jed Goodfellow said the deal marked a global precedent as the first time a Middle Eastern nation had recognised animal welfare in an international trade agreement.

“This is something the Australian Government can be really proud of – it provides a great example of the way Australia can have a positive influence on global standards of animal welfare.

“It is very pleasing to see animal welfare recognised at this level and we hope to see the Australian Government continue this trailblazing role for animal welfare in the negotiation of future trade agreements,” Dr Goodfellow said.

The UAE was once a major destination for Australia’s live sheep trade but is now a major importer of chilled and frozen lamb and mutton, with exports valued at $266 million in 2023.

“The successful conclusion of the agreement reinforces the increasingly redundant role of the live sheep export trade, with the UAE agreeing to the elimination of tariffs on frozen Australian sheep meat.

“This will further incentivise the shift away from cruel live exports towards more value-adding opportunities in local Australian supply chains.

“We would like to acknowledge the efforts of DFAT negotiators, Trade Minister Don Farrell, and the Albanese Government in prioritising animal welfare on the global stage and securing this historic outcome.”

 

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Scientists urge new conservation approach to save vulnerable species from climate change impacts

University of South Australia (UniSA) Media Release

A team of international scientists alarmed by the loss of biodiversity across the world due to climate change has proposed a new approach to managing vulnerable landscapes, focusing on sites that are least impacted by changing weather.

Known as climate change-refugia, these places experience weather conditions that are the most favourable for their survival and could hold the key to reducing species extinctions, ecologists say.

In a new paper authored by scientists from Australia, Canada, the United States and Hungary, the researchers have laid out a framework to identify, protect and restore refugia from climate change.

The paper, published in Trends in Ecology & Evolution, calls for an alternative to traditional conservation efforts, which have focused on creating static protected areas.

Conservation biologist and lead author, Associate Professor Gunnar Keppel from the University of South Australia, says the speed and scale at which climate change is progressing demands a new approach.

“Our planet is changing rapidly,” Assoc Prof Keppel says. “Events like the large-scale dieback of trees, mass bleaching of corals on the Great Barrier Reef, unprecedented heatwaves, rapid thawing of glaciers and more frequent fires highlight the potential for major changes in biodiversity and ecosystems.

“The speed and scale of this change is challenging traditional approaches to conservation. For example, traditional protected areas may not shield threatened ecosystems from extreme droughts,” he says.

Instead, vulnerable ecosystems should be assessed along more practical lines to identify the places least impacted by drought stress, for example. It is here that species will have the best chance of resisting climate change, the authors argue.

“However, without support, species in these least impacted places may also struggle to survive as climate change progresses. Support for species could be in various forms, such as providing limited watering to trees in a valley during an extreme drought.

“The degree of management intervention required will depend on how well refugia can resist climate change impacts and on how severely they are affected by other disturbances. Refugia could potentially help to prevent the extinction of numerous species.”

 

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Bayside SEQ Seats to Watch in 2024 QLD State Election

Oodgeroo a Seat to Watch for the Next 4–8 years

By Callen Sorensen Karklis

Almost a year ago I wrote an article about how bayside state areas like Oodgeroo and the federal seat of Bowman, which covers the Redlands City area and could flip towards 3rd options like the Teals or Greens. A lot can happen in the space of a year, yet alone 24 hours in politics! Since that article a TEAL in fact did become Mayor of Redlands in Jos Mitchell, winning a landslide victory against maverick controversial former LNP Bowman MP Andrew Laming on 67% – only securing 33% of the vote from preferences from his conservative aligned running mate Cindy Corrie. This was after I wrote that a TEAL could one day flip votes in Bowman or Oodgeroo. And Labor has begun tanking in the polls.

I still would argue that a third option from the major parties could still do well in seats like Oodgeroo or Bowman one day, long term. There is potential here. Three out of four local representatives are TEAL-like independents on the local Redland City Council. But short term the political reality is that it will be a tough run for a third wave candidate to knock off a candidate from the LNP who has held the seat since 2009, but it’s possible. But the odds are tough are present, though we’ll fight hard on the issues. It was a strong Labor seat for 20 years prior to his when Darryl Briskey (1989-2006) and Phil Weightman (2006–2009) were the MPs. It will be a gradual change to Oodgeroo, which will be a lot of hard work over the long term. It won’t change in the short term due to several factors: Infighting in the ALP has caught up with sitting Cr Tracey Huges who sided against Labor, joining with the LNP voting bloc against Mayor Mitchell on the controversial Birkdale White Water issue.

The sad reality is the ALP will sandbag seats they think they can retain into likely Opposition as polls suggest the LNP winning government on almost 60%. The LNP are likely to retain Oodgeroo, but this might not always be the case. Oodgeroo could one day become a seat that decides the fate of a balance of power in a future hung parliament. Both Teals and Greens have polled better here gradually. The Brisbane bayside always gets written off but its electoral seats and voters just may well decide the fate of a future Queensland’s state election. Not just in Oodgeroo but all bayside seats as I would argue there is no such thing as a safe seat anymore for any major party!

 

Amanda Stoker (LNP), Irene Henley (ALP), and myself (Greens) core flutes [above] in Cleveland at a Middle Street sign site, QLD


There is certainly potential for an alternative candidate in Oodgeroo, and I am giving it a go as the current Greens candidate in Oodgeroo in October. I believe despite the tough polling it will give voters a democratic alternative! We have a good team of local supporters letterboxing, organizing street signs, and much more.

The Toondah issue has put a lot of people off from voting Labor; if people vote for the Greens, we will ensure to revoke the PDA [Priority Development Application]. We support companies like Sealink proposing to build a simple port upgrade for the ferry and barge services without high rise units in the Ramsar wetlands. Federal Labor deserves some credit under Tanya Plibersek for ruling against the Walker Corporation proposal as Environment Minister to build 3600 units of 10 story buildings in the wetlands.

Some island locals are also upset about the lack of transparency on the Whale Center issue at Pt Lookout on North Stradbroke Island (Minjerribah). Many are also anxious of a post sandmining economy reliant on just eco–tourism after the Pandemic saw numbers reduced for a short time. There is also anxiety over the future of Treaty and Truth Telling in the aftermath of the voice referendum and closing the gap between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples as the LNP have walked away from Treaty talks. Island residents are concerned about water levels getting lower on the island as well as a lack of transparency on how Native Title is handled. But we can find this balance without the racist dog whistle baiting the LNP always lay bare!

And then there’s Amanda Stoker, a former QLD Senator (2018-2022) and Morrison Assistant Minister (2020-2022) who is one of the most right-wing conservatives to contest the area in living memory for the seat of Oodgeroo, making a political comeback. Stoker is contesting the seat after long term conservative Mark Robinson announced his retirement with only a short stint as Deputy Speaker during the Newman era (2012-2015).

Stoker has a track record of the following controversial policies:

  • Opposing tobacco plain packaging; supporting the tobacco industry
  • Supports the repeal of section 18C of the Racial Discrimination Act
  • Supports the nuclear energy industry in Australia
  • Blames unions for the casualization of workplaces
  • Opposes the minimum wage and penalty rates
  • Opposes LGBTIQ rights
  • Opposes Abortions
  • Opposes voluntary euthanasia.

If Stoker gets in there is a fair chance she’ll become a senior state government minister or even a potential Attorney–General given she was the Assistant Attorney-General in the Morrison Government and her high profile on Sky News. But her controversial conservative right-wing policy stances may come to haunt her long term as the electorate wants moderate approaches. Especially as the aging demographic is replaced by younger generations reaching voting age and younger families moving into the area.

The Oodgeroo and Bowman areas have always had MPs regardless of their party colors who have been flexible enough to delegate sensitive constituent matters. If Stoker takes on a ministerial role this could isolate some in the community, especially if she’s in a government that slashes and cuts essential services (in the event Crisafulli hasn’t learnt from the Newman era (2012-2015) which became a deeply unpopular government after just one term in power.

If Stoker and Crisafulli don’t learn, and Labor don’t become more organized around their candidates a third option may become an inevitable choice in 2028 and 2032 either with the Greens or another candidate like Claire Richardson in the 2020 race. The local area hasn’t had a senior MP in a senior role since both Paul Clauson and John Goleby held roles in Joh Bjelke–Petersen’s National government as Redlands MPs during the 1980s and Con Sciacca in Bowman as in the Hawke/Keating Labor government in the 1980s–1990s. Locals are pretty used to having easy access to their MP and having that flexibility. An MP with ministerial gatekeepers might put many in the community offside.

There are also the issues of the current election:

  • Cost of living crisis
  • Housing and rental crisis
  • The environment
  • Public Transport
  • Olympics 2032
  • Crime and Youth Justice
  • Health

Despite some of the good Labor is doing to mitigate the cost-of-living crisis; with 50 cent fares on public transport, the cheaper car registration, or energy bill supplements. It might not be enough to turn the tide as the LNP are polling well enough to win back the Treasury benches. The QLD Greens have a good chance to win back seats like McConnell Greenslopes, and Cooper, but the ALP is hemorrhaging in regional areas and the outer suburbs to the LNP. There is also a possibility of the KAP and PHON also doing well in regionally QLD as well. Where the LNP is capitalizing on the economy being weak under Labor. As the saying goes “It’s the economy stupid!”.

There is a good chance that Labor could also lose the seats of Redlands, Capalaba, and even Lytton if it’s not careful. Lytton lost its local Labor Cr in Sara Whitmee during the 2024 Brisbane City Council election. Labor lost a seat it held for 72 years on a 12.5% swing with Alex Givney (LNP) winning there giving an extra LNP seat to the Schrinner LNP BCC led administration. And Teal Independent Adelia Berridge lost her seat to an LNP-aligned candidate in 2024’s local council races where Labor has failed to win back the once strong area of Division 7 which Murray Elliott held for 23 years since losing it to the LNP since 2020.

The safe seat of Capalaba has been Labor for over 40 years except for Steve Davies (LNP) during the Newman era including Lytton during both the Newman and Joh eras, and when Bill Lamond (Country/National) secured the seat in 1974 for a term until 1977 and Neil Symes in the Newman era. Despite it being solidly Labor for 74 years, the working class vote usually swings towards populists that usually resonate with them even if it works against their own self-interest. Especially when they believe they’re not being listened to either! Case in point, Trumpism in the United States and Brexit in the UK. In Redlands it’s a bellwether seat and traditionally swings towards whatever party wins government on a strong swing apart from several instances of Labor in minority government during the early Beattie and Palaszczuk eras. The area that covers Redlands has been National/LNP for 29 years since 1969 and held by Labor for 26 years.

 

Me campaigning for FREE car parking at Redlands Hospital in September 2023


What’s clear is that voters locally are concerned about the mishandling of the Olympics in 2032 during a cost-of-living crisis. Similar to the Gabba and Raymond Park issues voters are concerned about the Birkdale White Water rafting facility proposed by the LNP bloc in Redland City Council on sensitive heritage listed land. Voters in my area are also concerned about having to pay for fees for car parking for patients and staff at Redlands Hospital causing congestion (which was originally FREE) as well as slow response times for ambulances. Voters are extremely concerned about the future direction of QLD Health no matter which party wins the QLD state election!

 

LNP Oodgeroo and Capalaba candidate core flutes for Stoker and Fields at Alexandra Hills


Youth Crime?

Another issue unfortunately that the LNP is capitalizing on is the youth crime and justice issue. The LNP are running strong on a policy for adult time for adult crimes similar to how the new NT CLP Finocchario government reducing the criminal age to 10 (which, unsurprisingly, has civil liberty, human rights, youth groups, and experts concerned). As most evidence indicates, the best way to reduce youth crime is prevention through programs investing in sports, arts, and music programs that interest young people and deal with the causes and not the symptoms of the issue. The LNP are running Paul Field as the LNP Capalaba candidate who lost his family to a hit and run incident from a repeat youth offender, where Don Brown MP said that the media was handling the issue as a “media beat up”. Was Don Brown insensitive on this topic? Or does he have a point? Statistical evidence points to youth crime not being as unusual as to what is has always been in recent decades, the issue is its more publicized in the media via the 24/7 news cycle and social media. The LNP does also run the risk of running a candidate passionate about a singular issue with little scope for wide issues that may affect Capalaba beyond the state election. If Field wins, it would be difficult to sustain electorally given Labor’s history here but its not impossible!


My Professional Advice to all Pollies

IF the LNP do win don’t get too comfortable; 24 hours is a long time and anything can change quickly! Despite Campbell Newman’s huge victory in 2012 I bet he didn’t think he’d only be there for one term with Labor being in power for nine years. Don’t take voters for mugs! After two election campaigns as a candidate now since 2020 and assisting on countless elections on all tiers since 2012 I’ve seen a thing or two. Voters want to be heard; they’re sick of people self-serving and not helping them with the issues that matter most to them! LESS RORTS MORE ACTION! Find long-term solutions to complex problems without just finding it as a cheap way to win votes in the short-term! There is no such thing as seats anymore!

Mathematically there are stats that back up the likelihood of better chances for major parties still but don’t take voters for granted; you can still lose your seat over time, even if you hold a “safe seat”. 3rd party options are on the rise! Accept loss and move on! Learn from it! It’s time for less sledging and more robust policy discussions. People hate how personal it has become; it makes most people in politics look like tools and wankers!

We need to be more genuinely honest and spin less or no disinformation. Social media has really made politics become the wild west which could harm the mental health of all of those involved regardless of their political beliefs or affiliations. As my Latvian pop always used to say: NO BULLSHIT! Or voters will punish you for it! In a 24/7 media cycle and more access to information it’s easier for voters to judge our pollies nowadays so be on notice at all times! You serve the public, not the opposite! Be open-minded and less partisan, hold your convictions but willing to be pragmatic. This is arguably why the public responded so well to former leaders like John Howard and Bob Hawke’s approaches to government – love them or hate them. And people like Don Chipp and Bob Brown cut through in the former Democrats “Keeping the Bastards Honest!” and the Greens carrying on the mantle as the third electoral force. In some ways Climate 200 advocating a similar mantra, but time will see if they all maintain this success and messaging. One thing is true though; despite your politics everybody wants more honest pollies and a system that works to provide for them a better tomorrow and planet.

Callen Sorensen Karklis currently is the 2024 QLD State candidate for Oodgeroo. He holds a Bachelor of Government and International Relations from Griffith University and Business Diploma from QLD TAFE. He currently studies a Cert 4 in Youth Work. He has worked in retail, media advertising and government roles. He has also been involved with Bayside Crime Stoppers in 2015 – 2016 and was on the Griffith Student Representative Council as the Indigenous Officer during the Pandemic in 2021. He also has been a cohost on 4ZZZ radio programs on Workers Power and Indigi Briz. He was also a coordinator for Jos Mitchell’s Leading Change Team during the 2024 Redland City Council elections.

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