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The paradox of tolerance: do we suppress authoritarians’ speech before they suppress us?

The global movement towards authoritarianism took a step forward this week, and faced an experiment in checking its infiltration. In America, a frightening move towards crushing protest was made when the Supreme Court refused to hear the Mckesson v Doe case on liability accruing to protest organisers. In Europe, an international gathering of far right politicians was broken up by a brave (or reckless) mayor and the local police.

The Trump appointment-stacked Fifth Circuit had found that protest organiser DeRay Mckesson was liable for injuries sustained by an anonymous policeman at a civil rights protest against a shooting of a Black man, in Baton Rouge in 2016. Mckesson had no interaction with the assailant and had not exhorted violence, so US legal precedent should have protected his First Amendment speech rights. Unfortunately, inflicting “catastrophic financial liability” on protest organisers is a tantalising project for the Trump Right, and the Supreme Court has, for now, refused to tackle the finding.

The impact is feared to mean that even counterprotestors – such as Neo Nazis – would be included in the ambit of people for whose actions protest organisers could be held liable.

The Atlas Network Project 2025 not only aims to reverse climate action if Trump wins in November. Its most likely impact will be to aid Trump (through Project 2025 populating his administration) to attempt to orchestrate the seizing of millions of “illegal” immigrants.(1) Given the history of protests against Trump’s election victory and the “Muslim ban,” this draconian new possibility would incite massive protest.

Trump’s main support base remains the Evangelical movement. The devastation he has enabled on reproductive rights through tactical judicial appointments is his main attraction for them. It is also his primary vulnerability, since elections continue to show that even Republican electorates reject the extremity of the controls being imposed on sexuality. If Trump is able to overcome that argument and win with his prevarications, it is widely expected that contraception will eventually join abortion on the list of options to be banned nationwide through executive action.

This too, like forecast attacks on LGBTQIA+ existence, will provoke massive protests.

The actors around Trump know that crushing protest is crucial to their Christofascist goals if they can return Trump to the White House in January.

Other Republican states will be eagerly reproducing this legislation, as they have copied attacks on reproductive justice and Queer existence: the ability to bankrupt protest organisers is one of the most chilling of weapons in a longterm mission to crush protest. The American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) is an Atlas Network partner and has been key to generating legislation to be reproduced across Republican state senates intent on crushing human rights including protest. ALEC has constructed the pathway for oppressive legislation’s rapid spread.

The intentions of the figures gathered around Trump are clear: they intend to use government tools to enforce “traditionalist goals.” Traditionalism involves strict restriction of sexuality to genital-dictated roles, only expressed within the sacred bounds of heterosexual marriage. Those sex roles are also strictly dictated: passive and submissive femininity with unchecked fertility. Women and children must be subject to dominant masculinity. It is associated with ethnostate goals, aiming to (re)create a mythical unitary culture of the past. This is fascist politics. Alongside the enforcement of such identities by the state must go the unleashing of the industries that have subsidised the movement: in particular fossil fuel. Trump’s first two missions, he stated, are to deport migrants and to “drill baby drill.”

This is a global movement. The ethnostate in question can be Hindu or Jewish, for example.

A Belgian mayor this week took action to prevent the propagation of the global right’s fascistic messaging. This should provoke debate about whether the tolerance inherent in liberalism was meant to encompass tolerance of its own destruction. It has, however, inflated the martyrdom and grievance inherent to the global Right.

The conference in contention was a National Conservatism (NatCon) event. In the anglosphere, the Right-Wing movement that embraces Trump and traditionalism has been working to find a marketable label for its ideology. NatCon, in the US and Europe, is the feigned intellectual version. NatCon spruiks concern for (White) workers and is otherwise at war with everything that can be defined as “woke”: working women, reproductive rights, LGBTQIA+ existence, multiculturalism and, crucially, climate action. Nationalism and God must be forced into every aspect of the state. Its “grassroots” version in the UK has been marketed as Popular Conservatism or PopCon (probably echoing the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) in America and Australia) and is intricately intertwined, like NatCon, with the fossil fuel-funded Atlas Network. The Alliance for Responsible Citizenship is another interconnected product.

The NatCon event, running since 2019, has strong ties with the European and Israeli Far Right, visible in the conference’s list of co-sponsoring institutions. The label is credited to Yoram Hazony, who plans to reclaim the “virtue” of nationalism from the fascist past. The Edmund Burke Foundation (EBF) of which he is chairman was the network that declared the “founding principles” of the NatCon movement. (News Corp’s Miranda Devine was one of the signatories.)

Hazony also runs The Herzl Institute which is embedded in the Greater Israel project of extremist Jewish Nationalism. Two of NatCons’ other sponsors – the Danube Institute and the Mathias Corvinus Collegium (MCC) – are core components of Viktor Orban’s propaganda network, frequented by Australian Liberal Party grandees. It is also supported by a news outlet described as “fascist filth”, funded by Orban: The European Conservative. Another body, Nazione Futura is closely linked to the fascism associated with Giorgia Meloni’s party. All these organisations have connections to the Atlas Network. Orban’s bodies are directly linked to the Atlas creator of the Trumpian Project 2025.

The committee includes Hazony who has declared that Meir Kahane is his hero. While distancing himself from the terrorism Kahane advocated, Hazony embraces his ethnostate message. Alongside other representatives from the sponsoring bodies is Associate Professor James Orr who is a Cambridge professor of religion and advisory board member to the Alliance for Responsible Citizenship (alongside several former Australian prime ministers and politicians).

Nationhood for NatCons is a religious identity. Patriarchal and hierarchical, it demands a unified identity for a state based on a shared culture, language and religion. “Others” within this nation-state must be, at best, suffered not included. The nuclear family is its basic unit and the rhetoric of speakers demands this morality’s enforcement although they tend not to detail how such constrained sexuality and lifestyle are to be enforced.

A deep loathing for immigrants is another central theme, depicting them as failing to share “our values”, code for Muslim. This is predictable for an ideology within the Islamophobic traditionalist spectrum. The free movement of people within the EU (as well as its propensity for regulating errant businesses) make its destruction a core goal for such a coalition.

The Orban’s MCC has a eurosceptic junktank offshoot, MCC Brussels, whose executive director Frank Furedi was in attendance at the contested conference.

NatCon Brussels was predominantly funded by fossil fuel. Viktor Orban granted sponsoring body the MCC a 10% stake in Hungary’s “oil and gas giant” MOL from which it received $65 million in 2022 alone. The NatCon movement has strong financial motivations to link climate denial with its fascistic identity politics.

The efforts to crush protest if Trump wins in November and the goals of the interrupted conference are part of an interconnected global authoritarian movement. Whether we suppress the authoritarians’ speech before they suppress us is a matter we must confront.

(1) Project 2025’s director has declared: “Project 2025 is not a white paper. We are not tinkering at the edges. We are writing a battle plan, and we are marshaling our forces. Never before has the whole conservative movement banded together to systematically prepare to take power day one and deconstruct the administrative state.” Their idea of “deconstructing” involves sacking about 50,000 civil servants and disbanding departments like education and environment. These are to be replaced with approximately 20,000 ideologically-vetted Christian Nationalists, trained to enact the program. The intent is to override congress and steer as much as possible by executive action from those around the White House.

The Project’s Mandate for Leadership has been produced for every Republican contender since the Reagan era by the Heritage Foundation. Both Reagan and Trump implement 2/3 of the relevant edition in their first years. (Heritage, now a prominent partner in the Atlas Network, was founded within the Council for National Policy. The story of the CNP’s role in creating Christian Nationalism is covered in the documentary to be launched on Apple TV on the 26th April called Bad Faith. While it was created by the founders of the Moral Majority, Heritage was primarily a free market junktank until the appointment of its latest president, Kevin Roberts, a Rad Trad Catholic.)

There is no guarantee Trump will work with this Mandate because it has annoyed his inner circle by being too obvious about its authoritarian goals regarding reproductive rights and might alienate voters. It has also been arrogant about its certain and controlling role, annoying Trump. It is, however, likely that Trump will accept the help from a group of his allies doing all the hard work to ensure his “vengeance” is most effective.

This was first published in Pearls and Irritations as Do we suppress authoritarians’ speech before they suppress us?

 

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25 comments

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  1. Steve Davis

    Modern liberalism has two main planks — property rights and the rule of law. The exalted position of the rule of law in liberal thinking is evidence for the distrust liberals have for ordinary folk. This distrust comes from their mistaken belief, from Thomas Hobbes, that members of society would be at each others’ throats if not for fear of the law and enforcement of the law. Basically they believe that we all despise each other and try to take advantage of each other. Because they believe we are all like them.
    Their veneration for the rule of law tells us that liberalism is simply another form of authoritarianism, but Lucy tries to distinguish between the two.

    Lucy has spoken again of the liberal regard for tolerance, but the liberal regard for tolerance is a myth. Liberals certainly are tolerant of private activities, but are brutally intolerant of threats to their precious economic system.

    Lucy states “The actors around Trump know that crushing protest is crucial to their Christofascist goals if they can return Trump to the White House in January.”
    Possibly so, but that is still conjecture. Trump might not make it to the White House, and if he does, will be hampered by the Constitution. More importantly, Christofascist goals are a sideshow to this problem; they are not the main event. Overstating their importance, worrying though they are, diverts attention from the fact that the crackdown on protest is not restricted to conservative regimes or religious themes.

    Liberal regimes are in it up to their necks, and with much of the current protests worldwide being concerned with energy resources and conservation, as it is in Australia, the crackdown is intended to protect the liberal economic system.
    This is happening across Europe, where a liberal economic system holds sway and is fiercely defending its turf.

    Lucy repeatedly draws attention to “Australian Liberal Party grandees” rubbing shoulders with authoritarian figures in Europe. This is only natural. Liberalism has an authoritarian base.

    Liberalism is the problem.

  2. Andrew Smith

    Good article and also gives away what drives much of the corrupt nativist authoritarian movement, whether Christianism or the raw nativism for corporate <1%.

    Fossil fuels are now past climate science denial and into delaying tactics e.g. dissing renewable sources, EVs, batters, wind and solar to prolong their income streams, preceded by Brexit (by UK with US & Russian help) to avoid constraints on corporates, and especially fossil fuels.

    Then the broader ecosystem of these Hungarian govt. foundation think tanks and events supported by PM ‘mini Putin’ Orban, in particular the Danube Inst. partnered with Koch’s Heritage Foundation, for which Abbott and (allegedly his advisor) work; they need a heads up or more scrutiny (Downers & Sheridan too) for being part of this ecosystem which is anti-Ukraine, anti-EU, anti-NATO, anti-immigrant and anti-semitic, just like Putin?

    The fondness for authoritarians meant many former proponents of liberal democracy, as described by Anne Applebaum, have crossed to the dark side of authoritarianism by supporting Brexit, Trump and indirectly Putin, she’d been pointing the finger at former Spectator colleagues & scribes inc. former Thatcher aide John O’Sullivan, Abbott’s Danube boss?

    Abbott needs a heads up on Danube & Heritage links and his alleged support, like Fox, for Ukraine, from GOP ‘never Trumper’ Bill Kristol

    ‘@BillKristol

    10 Dec 2023

    Heritage Foundation and Viktor Orbán are not simply against aid for Ukraine. They are against Ukraine. They hate Ukraine, because a) they’re pro-Putin, and b) they hate liberal democracy, especially one fighting to defend itself against a brutal dictator.’

    And same with Danube will never criticise corrupt nativists authoritarians,but like the ‘intellectual dark web’ spend much of their time to create doubts and confusion amongst liberals on e.g. ‘woke’ & freedom of speech, while disappearing the authoritarians of the right inc Putin, Trump/GOP, Tories, Orban/Fidesz, Netanyahu/Likud, Erdogan/AKP etc.?

    As Jane Mayer said years ago, ‘they are trying to change not just what we think, but how we think’ and if you follow disinfo/misinfo of Koch, Murdoch, Russian etc. media it’s an outcome they desire to discourage and protect themselves from liberal democratic challenges in future; see Project 2025.

  3. calculus witherspoon.

    Not going to comment. it is necessary to think further on on reading, since this piece highlights a dark aspect of our times that many dont notice like the Cosmic Noise, or are too depressed on reading to really offer some thing constructive up.

  4. Steve Davis

    Andrew Smith says many former proponents of liberal democracy “have crossed to the dark side of authoritarianism by supporting Brexit, Trump and indirectly Putin.” That does not make them “former” liberals. That just makes them liberals. Liberalism is authoritarian. Its reliance on the rule of law, its reverence for the rule of law makes it authoritarian almost by definition.

    As for there being a “dark side of authoritarianism”, that’s merely a spat between competing liberals.
    Trump is feared by liberals because he threatened to “drain the swamp”. This was not a threat by Trump to end liberal profiteering and exploitation, after all, he appears to be all in favour of that side of liberalism. His draining the swamp was directed at the liberal love for perpetual war that he apparently saw as a danger to his preferred way of doing business.
    I can hear the howls of protest already. “Liberals are not warmongers!” Well guess what. The US, the country that has been at war since its inception, describes itself as a liberal democracy and no-one disputes that. In fact, the US is regarded as the quintessential liberal democracy.

    A Smith, and just about every liberal on the planet, has cleverly declared support for Putin as support for authoritarianism. This is simply the pot calling the kettle black. Putin’s alleged authoritarian streak is beside the point. Liberals have no qualms in supporting authoritarian regimes that make Putin look like a Sunday school teacher. And it’s not just the US that has overthrown democratic govts to install dictators. The Brits have history there also.

    The liberal fear of Putin derives from his challenge to the way they do business. It’s that simple. He was not considered an authoritarian until 2007 when he challenged the liberal status quo.

    The world is in turmoil at the moment due to the lies about the virtues of liberalism finally coming into full view. Unable to be hidden any longer. That’s the source of protests across the globe and the protests will continue while liberals call the shots.

  5. Lucy Hamilton

    Thanks Andrew. Interesting comment again.
    I’m not going to engage with Steve here although I appreciate the time he has put in to commenting. We don’t agree on a definition of liberalism because he always asserts his is the only accurate understanding of the contested term. He asserts that the left has been an ally of women and the non-white (and non-straight) but he’d find history is much more complicated than that if he cared to look. Steve thinks what he thinks and is welcome to continue doing so naturally. It’s a waste of my time to engage since we don’t share a basis for discussion and he won’t allow that there is more complexity to those discussions.

  6. Steve Davis

    Lucy, thank you for your considered response to my rather forceful comments.

    Let me clear up a little misunderstanding of a point that I should have presented more clearly.

    It’s not that I see my view of liberalism as the correct view. There are many shades within liberalism just as there are many shades within the labour movement. I see my preferred version as the one that takes control within liberalism when push comes to shove, when the pressure’s on, when the ideological stakes are perceived to be high. As we saw in the Voice debate within the Liberal Party, when several pro-Voice members saw resignation as their only option.
    This problem is not restricted to liberalism.

    In any broad-based political movement the hard-nosed, ruthless, scheming types end up in control because the rest are just too nice. We see it now in the Labor Party, where what we might call the pragmatists have control of policy to the dismay of the idealists or purists.

    We saw it in the Russian Revolution where the Bolshevik faction within a nation-wide revolutionary movement took control of the entire movement and ultimately the country.

    So I see no point in discussing outliers who have no power. The dominant view is the one that must be dealt with.

    Thanks again, and thank you for your stimulating articles.

  7. Clakka

    And of course, now, it’s as if countries, interest groups, ists and isms are no longer relevant having had their souls removed by the industrial behemoths of digitization; the ‘internet’ of everything, automation, robotics, remote control and their attendant algorithms, along with so-called news, revisionism, entertainment and social media.

    Everyone can get into the act. Techno-feudalism [Varoufakis].

    Now, via AI (ChatGPT etc), under the auspice of assuaging complexity, they would have us abdicate our responsibilities, thoughts, actions and humanity to perpetually machine generated algorithms and their wee cabal of elvish tamperers.

  8. Steve Davis

    I hasten to add Lucy, at the risk of appearing argumentative, that the version of liberalism that I prefer to deal with is the version according to Britannica, Stanford, Ethics Centre etc.
    It is not a version that I created from my own imagination or bias.

    Which raises the question as to why they all see this version as being representative of liberalism. My guess, and I admit to bias here, is that they see that version as the dominant version. To put it slightly more starkly, the version that dominates. The version that dominates, I believe, is the version we have to deal with.

    I think we have only one substantial point of disagreement.
    That is, that the dominant version of liberalism is the cause of most global problems.

  9. GL

    The Donald seems to be looking more and more like a deflated, hunched, dumpy, wrinkly, whining and saggy faced old man every day.

  10. Steve Davis

    A mistake and a clarification. It was not The Ethics Centre that agreed with my view of liberalism, it was the Political Science site. Its description goes — “Robert Eccleshall in his noted article ‘Liberalism’ has stated that liberalism, in ultimate analysis, is a political ideology intimately associated with the birth and evolution of the capitalist world. So we can say that as a political ideology liberalism means to pursue policies of freedom in the political and economic spheres and clear restrictions on the activities of state authority… Liberalism, strictly speaking, is an offshoot of capitalism…”

    So I note with interest an article by Jason Hickel published yesterday at Pearls and Irritations in which we find this; “What the present moment reveals, once again, is that Western aggression during the “Cold War” was never about destroying socialism, as such. It was about destroying movements and governments in the periphery that sought economic sovereignty. Why? Because economic sovereignty in the periphery threatens capital accumulation in the core. This remains the primary objective of Western aggression today. And it is the single greatest source of violence, war and instability in the world system.”

    As I said at Lucy’s article — Illiberalism – the Dunkley By-election — “Difference at the level of the individual is fine under liberalism. Differing views on sexuality, gender, etc are protected as part of the liberal cult of individualism. But watch out if you want to differ on how you manage your economy. That’s when you find out the true liberal position on difference and diversity.”

    How to relate all this to the very real problems of creeping suppression and protest outlined in the article above?

    After more than forty years of liberal ascendancy, where liberals have had free rein to show their true colours, unrestrained by opposition from an alternative social structure, the disintegration of social bonds that all the great socialist thinkers of the 19th century feared and predicted, have come to pass.
    Reducing society to a collection of seemingly disparate individuals is not just a random consequence of liberalism, it’s inherent to liberalism. Emphasizing the worth of the individual without context, that is, the individual outside of society, creates individuals divorced from their true nature. We are social beings. Humans depend for their well-being on a sense of self-worth and we find that in our social relations.

    But those who are most susceptible to this attack on our true worth, those who truly see themselves, or even vaguely feel themselves as being divorced from society or adrift from society, are forced to find a measure of self-esteem in a search for superiority. By differentiating themselves from others instead of looking for commonality. By looking down on difference instead of appreciating diversity.
    The result is discrimination against those who are different, and the rise of right-wing opportunists ready to exploit the fear of difference.

    And all the while, the liberals who instigated this sickness that is eating away at everything that is truly precious, are telling the world how tolerant of difference they are, and how committed they are to all that is good.

  11. Arnd

    Thanks to Lucy for raising a very complex and vexing question in such a comprehensively referenced article.

    Liberalism and its limits of tolerance to the forces that would use their freedom to destroy it, is a matter that attained central importance early in my development of political awareness, back in the 70s in what was then W.-Gernany: the radicals decree was my initial introduction to the concept of defensible democracy.

    To my mind, the obvious questions about this concept remain fundamentally unresolved. Worse still: I have since learned, that variations of these questions have been under inconclusive discussion and review since before Plato extemporised on the inevitable decay of deliberative democracy into populist mob rule into ruthless despotism into self-destructive anomie. Karl Popper warned that democracy can never be secure, for as soon as it appears to be, people will take it for granted and neglect it. And Austrian logician Kurt Gödel himself applied his insights into Incompleteness to constitutional reasoning, and found it to be wanting, of logical necessity.

    Also instructive is Lucy’s refusal to engage in exchange with Steve because their respective definitions of “liberalism” are insufficiently congruent. Steve has offered some indication of his understanding of the term – I would be interested in Lucy’s. For mine, I have long since recognised the usefulness of distinguishing between the original 18th and 19th century “classical liberalism” of thinkers like Adam Smith and J.S.Mill, which did have rather clearly discernible socialist aspects, and the grotesquely distorted caricatures of it as resurrected under the heading of “neo-liberalism” by the likes of von Mises, von Hayek, Friedman, Thatcher and Reagan.

    In that sense, I am reminded of an article on the website of the local Blackheath Philosophy Forum (still available, but with expired security, hence no link), whereby some Sydney philosophy lecturer, in what I considered a rather hair-raising conflation of secularism, materialism and atheism, painted himself into a very doubtful corner of recognising Joseph Stalin as preeminent representative of liberalism! Go figger!

    But let’s not forget, that the Pinochet-coup in Chile served to advance the cause of neo-liberal aims as enunciated by the Chicago School of Economics.

    About a century earlier, one Karl Marx severely reproached the Russian anarchist Mikhail Bakunin for conceptualising, in the name of liberty, “a most oppressive form of barracks communism”. Yet another instance of the political spectrum not extending in a linear fashion from left to right, but rather in a horseshoe-shaped, with the extreme ends being closer to each other than they are to the political middle ground.

    The notion that liberalism can morph into totalitarianism, and rather easily at that, has been explored elsewhere, by Mill and Alexis de Tocqueville under the headings of “Tyranny of the majority” and Soft Despotism:

    After having thus successively taken each member of the community in its powerful grasp and fashioned him at will, the supreme power then extends its arm over the whole community. It covers the surface of society with a network of small complicated rules, minute and uniform, through which the most original minds and the most energetic characters cannot penetrate, to rise above the crowd. The will of man is not shattered, but softened, bent, and guided; men are seldom forced by it to act, but they are constantly restrained from acting. Such a power does not destroy, but it prevents existence; it does not tyrannize, but it compresses, enervates, extinguishes, and stupefies a people, till each nation is reduced to nothing better than a flock of timid and industrious animals, of which the government is the shepherd.

    I have always thought that servitude of the regular, quiet, and gentle kind which I have just described might be combined more easily than is commonly believed with some of the outward forms of freedom, and that it might even establish itself under the wing of the sovereignty of the people.

    Tocqueville. Democracy in America

    It’s a subject that has been ably updated by Slavoy Zizek in Liberalism as politics for a race of devils.

    As I said before: there seems no convincing resolution to the dilemma of liberalism either resolutely negating itself from within, or meekly succumbing to destruction by forces from without.

    It’s enough to drive one to distraction, and to seek solace and refuge outside of political philosophy altogether.

  12. Andrew Smith

    Steve Davis: Strawman argument?

    ‘A Smith, and just about every liberal on the planet, has cleverly declared support for Putin as support for authoritarianism. This is simply the pot calling the kettle black. Putin’s alleged authoritarian streak is beside the point. Liberals have no qualms in supporting authoritarian regimes that make Putin look like a Sunday school teacher.’

    So the ‘liberals’ supporting which ‘authoritarian regimes’? Again depends on your definition, e.g. like many US right use the word ‘liberal’ as -ve dog whistle towards the centre, and describing as communists or lefties?

  13. Steve Davis

    Arnd, many thanks for your wide-ranging input.

    I completely understand your urge to seek solace outside political philosophy. I’m forever glad that I’ve had an interest in Eastern philosophy since my teens; it serves that purpose.

  14. Steve Davis

    Andrew Smith asks in his usual cryptic manner (that’s me being polite) “So the ‘liberals’ supporting which ‘authoritarian regimes’? Again depends on your definition, e.g. like many US right use the word ‘liberal’ as -ve dog whistle towards the centre, and describing as communists or lefties? ”

    To Andrew’s first question — does he really want me to list them all?

    Let’s look at just one that has already been mentioned by Arnd, or we’ll be here forever.

    From wiki — “An authoritarian military dictatorship ruled Chile for seventeen years, between 11 September 1973 and 11 March 1990. The dictatorship was established after the democratically elected socialist government of Salvador Allende was overthrown in a coup d’état backed by the United States on 11 September 1973. The government was advised by the Chicago Boys, a team of free-market economists educated in the United States. Chile was drastically transformed from an economy isolated from the rest of the world, with strong government intervention, into a liberalized, world-integrated economy, where market forces were left free to guide most of the economy’s decisions.”

    Remember that the coup occurred at the height of the Cold War, so it’s in line with the observation by Jason Hickel that I gave in an earlier comment, that “Western aggression during the “Cold War” was never about destroying socialism, as such. It was about destroying movements and governments in the periphery that sought economic sovereignty. Why? Because economic sovereignty in the periphery threatens capital accumulation in the core.”

    To Andrew’s second question.
    I find it interesting that Andrew, while appearing to defend liberalism with his questions, has made no attempt to articulate what he sees as the essence of liberalism. He has given no summary that could be seen as a reasonable representation of liberalism in action. In fact, his second question could be seen as an attempt to ensure that the murkiness that characterises perceptions of liberalism stay murky. He wants his “depends on your definition” situation to continue forever.

    This is a consistent theme with Andrew. When you think back to his many comments over months and years, we get no sense of what Andrew actually stands for. We know all about his dislikes, a little about his likes, but we have no sense of the philosophy that drives him. Is Andrew hiding something? Or is this just Andrew being a typical liberal with no coherent philosophy to declare?

  15. Steve Davis

    In a comment above I mentioned that reducing society to a collection of seemingly disparate individuals is not just a random consequence of liberalism, it’s inherent to liberalism. An article in the Guardian today focuses on this problem, but blames the growth of social media.

    Max Jeganathan in an article titled “Social media lies can unleash a dangerous contempt for others – We can stop it”, has done a great job, by referencing the two recent knife attacks, of articulating the problems that he explains are derived from “our atomised society”.

    “Both post-attack escalations had telling similarities. A disregard for truth. An elevation of pre-existing prejudice. The inflammatory power of social media. They also reflect something that has crept into our public square that fuels disproportionate disfunction. Contempt. More than mere disagreement, it thinks less of those with whom we disagree. We don’t just reject ideas and identities, we dehumanise those who hold them. This “othering” leads us to exclude others from the community of humanity… In societies, contempt is kryptonite to social trust… Hurt is weaponised. Differences are moralised. Those not like us are stigmatised. And – in the words of screenwriter Aaron Sorkin – “It seems that more and more we come to expect less and less of each other.”

    Max correctly concluded that these problems arise from “our atomised society” but by putting the blame on social media, is essentially declaring that prior to social media everything was fine. In fact, the problem was detected centuries ago as our modern economic system was taking shape.

    I wrote a 2200 words article years ago, explaining that liberalism cannot have an ethical basis. It turns out that Max Jeganathan, who is a senior research fellow at the Centre For Public Christainity, is undertaking a PhD on the ethical foundations of liberalism. If Max is true to his undoubtedly sound ethical convictions, this may be the most concise PhD thesis in history.

    Check out his very good article.
    https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2024/apr/28/social-media-lies-can-unleash-a-dangerous-contempt-for-others-we-can-stop-it

  16. Arnd

    Steve

    If Max is true to his undoubtedly sound ethical convictions, this may be the most concise PhD thesis in history.

    Right up there with John Cage’s 4’33” and Wittgenstein’s “Worüber man nicht sprechen kann, darüber muß man schweigen!”

    Re. your mention of Eastern philosophy as refuge from the irreducible indeterminacy of fully developed liberalism liberalism: I don’t know much about that … – except that Douglas Hofstadter’s Gödel, Escher, Bach proved very useful in lending shape and structure to my youthful political ruminations – and that book does seem to include a fair bit of eastern influence.

    I arrived at an understanding of the nihilistic indeterminacy of fully developed liberalism over thirty years ago – AND I DO RECALL THIS AS A QUITE DISCONCERTING REALISATION, despite the fact that I came prepared: my father had introduced me to paradoxes like Epimenides’ “All Cretans are liars” and Socrates’ “I know that I know nothing” during my childhood.

    I caught myself rather quickly: if nothing is determined a priori, then we have to generate our own determinations – i.e. we have to replace heteronomy with true autonomy, or as I put: squarely face up to the responsibilities that come with the freedoms of true anarchism.

    But that invariably turns out a few bridges too far for conventional bourgeois liberals: they merely expect the powers and authorities of the state to forcibly impose the nihilistic absence of definitions – which, of course, is extraordinarily threatening to those who do rely with their livelihoods on state authority to maintain a workable reference framework, and who consequently turn for support and validation to political strongmen and their simplistic agendas.

    That these agendas are not sustainable – “all that is solid melts into air” – and will, of necessity, eventually fall into a nihilistic abyss of their own, is unfortunately of no immediate help.

    All this was predicted, of course, some 2,000 years ago, and thus I did find refuge by rediscovering, for myself, and at my own pace, my own anarcho-communist understanding of Christian doctrine.

    It’d be interesting to compare notes with Max Jeganathan when he has completed his PhD.

  17. Steve Davis

    Arnd, many thanks for that personal history.
    It’s always fascinating to learn of someone else’s voyage of discovery, moreso in this case as you ended up in pretty much the same place as me.

    I won’t go into my details, except to say that when I read Henry Lawson’s poem The Faces In the Street at about age 10, I knew then whose side I was on. It still grips me today.

    You mentioned that it would be good to compare notes with Max on completion of his thesis. The same thought occurred to me. I would love to know the angle from which he approaches the subject.

  18. Harry Lime

    Arnd, Steve,I am mightily impressed by your erudition, know
    ledge and articulation,and I might mistakenly give myself some understanding of your discourse,but I think it would be helpful to ,at least occasionally,put these things into terms that, at least us shitkickers can digest.I’m pretty sure most of us venting our spleen on a forum like this are wanting the same things, and are on the same page, so to speak.
    What I would personally like to know, is how are these fine words going to change mankinds charge into oblivion.

  19. Arnd

    Harry Lime,

    how are these fine words going to change mankinds charge into oblivion.

    They are not, I’m afraid. Not immediately, anyway. If I am not mistaken – and I don’t think I am – then it will get worse before it gets better. And I’m not saying this lightly: I’ve got a daughter in her early twenties, who will pay heavily for our generation’s failure to get a handle on the problems that are now spiralling out of control.

    As for your suggestion to “put these things so into terms that, at least us shitkickers can digest” – I’ve been trying to do that for over thirty years now. But, as they say, “Nice try, but no cigar!”

    I’m not sure why. It could be because it is I who is mistaken. But I don’t believe so. Things are broadly turning out as I thought they would in the event that we continue to follow our leaders down the path of hubris and institutionalised ignorance – which, back then, I considered so highly improbable as not to seriously consider.

    Yet here we are! We still have not moved on from Francis Fukuyama’s somewhat premature declaration of the universal acceptance of political and economic “liberalism” marking “The End of History” as we know it.

    Google “It is easier to imagine the end of the world than it is to imagine the end of capitalism”, and you might find yourself introduced to Mark Fisher’s critical analysis of Capitalist Realism. The earlier mentioned Slavoy Zizek made contributions to this slim yet very erudite volume – yet even he can’t theorise his way out of our contemporary malaise. And Mark Fisher himself tragically committed suicide not long after publication of his book about a decade ago.

    I think there are two major issues that might explain my inability to communicate my ideas.

    Firstly, some complexity is indeed involved, especially of the self-referential kind. Someone famous – it might have been Daniel Kahnemann – observed that “it is difficult to discuss issues with people who have difficulty grasping the concept of compound interest”.

    Secondly, though, and perhaps more importantly, is that, unlike the advocates of more popular critiques and remedies, I do not blame others – immigrants, say, or dole bludgers, or venture capitalists, or the 1%, or Aborigines, or Donald Trump, or the Atlas Network. Even Putin and his coterie of billionaire oligarch war mongers were enabled by Western movers and shakers, and left-of-centre ‘liberals” did not, and never have, developed any novel economic understanding that could provide credible alternatives to the neo-liberal agenda that took over as the post-WWII Keynesian compact ran up against its natural limits.

    Approaching our contemporary problems with a bit of investigative curiosity led me to the seriously discomforting realisation that, in the first instance, we have only ourselves to blame – and as I found out subsequently, that’s not a message that people are especially keen to confront. Not if there are other, more reassuring alternatives on offer.

  20. paul walter

    Steve Davis, et al.

    The Musk/censorship seems to have taken off as a topic as the US Presidential election nears. I just caught part of an SBS dcco on Elon
    Musk and the Twitter Files, where he debunks Twitter as leftist censorship rather than conservative stuff.

    All I can say is, after watching both him and his critics is, one-all draw. He did well to alert the public over State intrusiveness:Gaza is the consequence of such thinking. But I think he is very Murdoch-oriented…Mogul libertarian.

    (wondering what Lucy Hamilton makes of him).

    One-all, but it is a win to have the issue out in the open.

    He is a good example of why geriatrics should be kept away from politics and policy, in so far asTrump, Biden etc are way too slow for rogue operators in America and off shore

    But that is the system. Musk seems crafty and has discovered the luxury of firing into the citadel from the overhanging rocks rather than being a target. And some of his foes have been inept, although ,of course, they lack his resources. The woman charged with running soc media surveillance also came across as disenjenuous when it comes to honesty. Cogntive bias or just plain old prejudice?

    Anyway, am off Twitter for now, their censors must have got me.

  21. Steve Davis

    Harry, thanks for your interest.
    As you imply, fine words have been spoken for millennia, yet we still deal with the same old problem — the need of a certain class to dominate. In the modern era, that’s liberals.
    That need to dominate has finally brought us to the problem you highlight; our charge to oblivion.
    We face I believe, two paths to oblivion.

    First, if it was not for a blind adherence to the ideology upon which our economic system is based, we could have and would have changed course years ago, to avoid the worst of climate change in particular and environmental destruction in general. Never forget that decades ago we acted globally with admirable speed to neutralize the threat to the ozone layer. My gut feeling is that our cultural managers learned from that, because despite torrents of fine words and noble aspirations, combatting global warming proceeds at a snail’s pace and is resisted by certain sectors every inch of the way. But at least we seem to be moving in the right direction.

    Our second path to oblivion is by way of nuclear war.
    It’s noteworthy that the same news media outlets that fight against CO2 reduction are also involved in downgrading diplomacy, promoting distrust and coflict, and urging nuclear weapons proliferation. That’s the only way to describe our involvement with AUKUS. We are now part of the problem. As I said on another thread, the possession of nuclear weapons capacity has a corrosive effect on judgement and moral outlook. We will not be immune to that despite being a minor player.

    So on the face of it, it’s all doom and gloom, but I see a glimmer of hope.
    We are watching the demise of the most powerful empire in history, the empire that is stoking most of the world’s problems.

    The US currently has either outright control of most global institutions, or exerts significant influence within policy-making institutions. Until recent times that control and influence allowed the US to do pretty much whatever it liked, even to defiance of international law. And it did so without serious resistance. But in recent times that has changed. We see African nations that host US bases telling the US to leave. We see Yemen supporting the Palestinians by attacking US shipping not only in the Red Sea, but even in the wider Indian Ocean. Yemen has created a no-go zone for shipping that supports the Gaza genocide. Such things were unthinkable even a year ago. As US power declines further, its ability to stoke conflict will decline also.

    Like Arnd, I lean towards the anarchist perspective as the best solutions to these problems. Anarchism is not chaos from a lack of government as the propaganda would have us believe, it’s people doing it for themselves. People cooperating to solve problems. To build local infrastructure. We see it already in Australia with the emergence of local renewable energy projects. That’s anarchism in action.
    In 2004 a Landline segment on ABC TV featured a group of rural landholders who had decided to run their properties in common, that is, with boundary fences removed and all having access to all of the resources on their watershed. Not only had the move proved to be economically more efficient and therefore profitable, but those involved had even been able to set aside a sensitive area for conservation purposes, something that was simply inconceivable previously. So as well as purely economic outcomes, they have been able to realise social and cultural outcomes. They possibly don’t know it, but the framework they have put in place is very similar to the anarchist ideal as put forward by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon in the mid 1800s.

    And check out the success of the Mondragon projects in the Basque region, from the Guardian just a few days ago.
    https://www.theguardian.com/lifeandstyle/2024/apr/24/in-the-us-they-think-were-communists-the-70000-workers-showing-the-world-another-way-to-earn-a-living
    People doing it for themselves.
    As social conditions deteriorate we will see more community independence of this nature. The beauty of community projects such as those I’ve mentioned is that they are free of dogma. There’s no ideology dictating how things will be done. This means strength through adaptability as circumstances change.

    So Harry, I’m with the great anarchist philosopher Proudhon, who believed that we are all born with an innate sense of justice.
    Despite all the ills and stupidities of which we are capable, my hope is with people. The question is; how much will we have to suffer before we see widespread recognition of the practical value of a commitment to community enterprise? How long before all of us truly realise the extent of the bleak wilderness of alienation and separation anxiety that is thrust upon us by our liberal economic system?
    Arnd has raised the problem many of us have, that “It is easier to imagine the end of the world than it is to imagine the end of capitalism.” But that’s merely due to centuries of conditioning. We have been conditioned to think that way. We evolved and progressed as a species through community solidarity and endeavour. That’s the only solution to the charge to oblivion. And because it’s part of our make-up, it will emerge naturally. The foundations of our hi-tech society were laid long before capitalism became a force, and many of the most important developments since were products of community enterprise.

    Paul, I’ve never used twitter, but as far as social media in general goes, despite its problems I see it as playing a significant role in the re-emergence of community based solutions.

  22. Harry Lime

    In reply to both Arnd and Steve,I understand fully, and have been viewing the planet and it’s inhabitants in a like manner for forty years.Now that I’m in the home stretch , it worries and angers me that my grandchildren,and great grandchildren are going to wear the shit we didn’t deal with.
    For what its worth,I’ve always been a non conformist,and have been called an anarchist many times,but I’ve been much closer to the truth than most.Cheers.

  23. Steve Davis

    Harry, wear that anarchist badge with pride! 🙂

    Someone a lot smarter than me once said that when you agree with the majority, it’s time you had a re-think.

  24. Steve Davis

    Harry, the Guardian today has a great First Dog On The Moon cartoon about our march to oblivion.

    In the comment section there was another take on the matter Arnd raised, that “It is easier to imagine the end of the world than it is to imagine the end of capitalism.”

    From the great science fiction writer Ursula LeGuin, also an anarchist if I recall correctly — “We live in capitalism, its power seems inescapable — but then, so did the divine right of kings. Any human power can be resisted and changed by human beings. “

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