Not in my name

By Roger Chao  Not in my name In this quiet hour, I summon words,…

Censorship Wars: Elon Musk, Safety Commissioners and Violent…

The attitudes down under towards social media have turned barmy. While there…

Political Futures: Prepare for the Onslaught from Professionalized…

By Denis Bright   Australia is quite vulnerable to political instability associated with future…

Jake's First Ride West

By James Moore "We need the tonic of wildness. At the same time…

The ALP - Arguing for a Minimum Program

The ALP has long been characterised by internal ideological divisions between self-identifying…

Reflections on the return of the Green Horned…

The green-horned devil, “Mother of Dragons”, or 12P/Pons-Brooks, a dirty big snowball,…

The paradox of tolerance: do we suppress authoritarians'…

The global movement towards authoritarianism took a step forward this week, and…

A Lot Has Happened While I've Been Away...

Ok, some of you may have noticed that I've been on holiday... Just…

«
»
Facebook

Search Results for: we cannot let racism win

Never allow racism to disguise itself in the cloak of nationalism

I don’t think there is a greater societal problem in the world today than that of racism.

When a person declares inwardly using self-deceit or ignorance that he or she is superior because, certain factors, such as skin colour make it so, then they are racist.

When a person declares outwardly using self-deceit, ignorance or just blind hatred that he or she is superior just because of the colour of their skin, ethnicity or the faith they follow then they are racist.

Their racism has probably been handed down to them by the sins of the fathers. They are not born into it.

Such racist thoughts were expressed in the maiden speech of Queensland Senator Fraser Anning who called for a “Final Solution” to immigration.

His speech has been widely criticized for its obvious Nazi overtones and blatant racism. The “Final solution” was the phrase used by Hitler for what he called the Jewish problem. It called for the extermination of an entire race of people to satisfy a crazed mind.

To say that Anning’s words were insensitive would be an oversimplification.

Anti-Semitism or the practice of it can be traced back to medieval Europe. Jews were banned from many countries because they refused to practice the faith of their conquerors.

They were also hated because they loaned money and charged interest, which was forbidden in the Christian faith.

In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, Jews were expelled from France, Germany, Portugal and Spain.

Josh Frydenberg was one of many MPs who were upset by Anning’s speech saying that at least 1.5 million children were killed in the Holocaust.

“Fraser Anning is a father,” Mr Frydenberg said.

“Let alone the 10 million people that were killed by the Nazis, of which six million were Jews.”

Mr Frydenberg said his comments were completely unacceptable and extremely hurtful.

He has no excuse and needs to quickly apologize.

But Anning’s speech wasn’t just about anti-Semitism. It was about trying to save a world that has long passed us by. About trying to save a faith that the facts show will die out in the next 20 to 30 years. About restoring an image of the average Australian of the 50s. About white authority and superiority. About Nationalism and not internationalism.

Men of Anning’s and Bob Katter’s background and vintage, I’m sure, walk through each day singing “Click go the Shears” while the rest of us concede the contribution that immigration has made to the culture of our country and that culture and values are but a work in progress that never gets completed.

And for all the imperfections that must by nature come with it, we just work our way through them.

I mention Bob Katter because during my lunch break I tuned into News 24 to see Bob give Fraser a grouse round of support.

He is the quintessential Australian Ocker who should be cracking his whip in the outback where the crack of his tongue can do no harm.

His press conference was full of factual errors and exaggerated nonsensical talk that, when the camera pulled back, revealed that he may as well have been talking to himself. Which was probably a good thing. Three very young junior journalists constituted the press conference.

We are confronted with yet more odious loathing. This time it is directed at those from Africa. It doesn’t matter what their country of origin if they are Muslim they will suffer the full thrust of minorities xenophobia. Just as 99 per cent of Muslims want peace so do 99 per cent of Australians.

In my piece We cannot let racism win I wrote:

“We have a long history of finding fault with things we don’t understand. At various times we have blamed communists, Jews, women, the devil, indigenous people and witches, even God, for all manner of things.

I have been privy to the ignorance that history has recorded on these matters and I am angry with the likes of Pauline Hanson, Peter Dutton and our Prime Minister who would seek to deny Australia of others who desire to, not only seek their personal freedom, but also the opportunity to give of themselves to the advancement of this great nation.

When I sit on the platform at Flinders Street Station and watch the passing parade of ethnicity I can but only admire a country I could never envisage from the same seat in the 1950s.”

My thought for the day.

Never allow racism to disguise itself in the cloak of nationalism”

PS. Senator Hinch probably best summed up the speech when he said he sat through the speech by Senator Anning. Said he believes in free speech. But it was the most racist, hateful, spiteful diatribe he has heard in 50 years in journalism. “excruciating” and “Pauline Hanson on steroids”.

 

Like what we do at The AIMN?

You’ll like it even more knowing that your donation will help us to keep up the good fight.

Chuck in a few bucks and see just how far it goes!

Your contribution to help with the running costs of this site will be gratefully accepted.

You can donate through PayPal or credit card via the button below, or donate via bank transfer: BSB: 062500; A/c no: 10495969

Donate Button

Is the world swerving extreme right?

By Ad astra

Are you as alarmed as I am when you see on our TV screens, or hear on the radio, or read in our disappearing newspapers about the deteriorating state of democracy in Europe, Asia, the United States of America, Africa, the Middle East, even in our own country?

Do you see, as I do, the rise of extreme right wing politics: nationalism, rampant patriotism, populism, nativism, xenophobia, Islamophobia, even white supremacy, as well as the re-emergence of fascist, racist and reactionary ideologies?

Look at Europe. Recent elections have brought right wing parties to the fore in Hungary, Poland, Germany, Austria, and even Switzerland. Take a look at a recent article published by Bloomberg: How the Populist Right is Redrawing the Map of Europe by Andre Tartar. Here is an extract:

A Bloomberg analysis of decades of election results across 22 European countries reveals that support for populist radical-right parties is higher than it’s been at any time over the past 30 years. These parties won 16 percent of the overall vote on average in the most recent parliamentary election in each country, up from 11 percent a decade earlier and 5 percent in 1997.

While some parties evolved along the way, they are all now seen as anti-elite, nativist, and having a strong law and order focus, as defined by academics who helped shape this analysis.

We ought to be startled by this account.

Day after day we see from the news reports that opposition to the flood of immigrants from Middle Eastern and African countries has given rise to these anti-immigration sentiments. War, terrorism, and civil strife leading to persecution are usually the root causes of the migration. Several European nations are now turning away immigrants, even those who arrive in boatloads with nowhere to go. Some countries have relented, while others have put up the shutters. The human misery that has resulted is heart-rending. With nowhere to go, and return to the country from which they are fleeing impossible, they are being herded into camps where they exist in appalling conditions where overcrowding, poverty, inadequate nutrition, disease, poor medical resources, and violence is the norm. Hopelessness compounds their plight.

Despite the desperate needs of these refugees, more and more Europeans are shouting ‘enough is enough’ and ‘go back to where you came from’. Angela Merkel’s past policy of allowing, even encouraging immigrants to settle in Germany has brought her undone. With the emergence of the extreme right wing, anti-immigrant party, the ‘Alternative for Germany’ (AfD), support for Merkel has eroded; she is now permanently wounded.

In the Middle East, the authoritarian, oppressive regime of Bashar al Assad in Syria has waged fierce war against rebel forces since 2011, reducing his country to rubble and forcing its people into refugee camps. In 2016, from an estimated pre-war population of 22 million, the United Nations identified 13.5 million Syrians requiring humanitarian assistance, of which more than 6 million are internally displaced within Syria, and around 5 million are refugees outside of Syria, the vast majority of which are hosted by countries adjoining Syria.

Further south there is war-torn Yemen. While it is structured as a democratic nation, it is dominated on its northern border by authoritarian Saudi Arabia, an absolute monarchy, where the king must comply with Sharia (Islamic) law and the Quran. Saudi Arabia’s support for rebel forces in Yemen has resulted in starvation, lack of drinking water, rampant disease and death, particularly among children, and displacement of millions of Yemenis, who are not welcome elsewhere.

Reflect now on the Asian subcontinent where hundreds of thousands of Rohingyas have made perilous journeys out of Myanmar to Bangladesh to escape communal violence and abuses perpetrated by the security forces that have burned their villages, raped their women, and killed their men. The escapees live in overcrowded camps that Bangladesh cannot sustain. Their misery is compounded by the hopelessness of their situation. Xenophobia makes their plight bleak and seemingly irreversible. The world’s leaders look on unsympathetically. A handful of charitable organizations are on the ground helping where they can, but struggle against overwhelming odds.

To gain a perspective on the extent of the world’s refugee crisis, read these extracts from a June 2017 paper by the World Economic Forum.

One in every 113 people on the planet is now a refugee. Around the world, someone is displaced every three seconds, forced from their homes by violence, war and persecution.

By the end of 2016, the number of displaced people had risen to 65.6 million – more than the population of the United Kingdom. The number is an increase of 300,000 on the year before, and the largest number ever recorded, according to the UN Refugee Agency, UNHCR.

Within this figure are different types of refugee. Most – 40.3 million – are people displaced within their own country. This is a slight dip on the year before, but the figure still makes up almost two thirds of the total global refugee count. Most of these people are based in war-torn Syria and Iraq, alongside those uprooted by conflict in Colombia.

Refugees who have fled to another country make up the next biggest group, which at 22.5 million people is the highest number ever recorded. Predictably, Syria, now in its seventh year of conflict, is generating the highest number of refugees. Five and a half million fled the country last year. But over the course of 2016, South Sudan became a major new source of refugees after the breakdown of peace efforts in July contributed to 739,900 people crossing the border by the end of the year. Since then, the number of people who have left has climbed to 1.87 million people.

We don’t need to look far from our own shores to see the same problem. We have our own quota of displaced persons seeking asylum in our country, languishing on Manus Island and Nauru, being held at bay by a mean government and a mean minister that gives them no hope.

When we look across the Pacific to the ‘land of the brave and the free’ we see a punitive policy towards immigrants where those who cross the border to the US are sent back, or housed in military camps, or separated from their children, many of whom appear ‘lost’, where the President of that wealthy nation sends message of rejection day after day, and by Executive Order pushes them further away. Laudably, many thousands of his own citizens protested in the streets of US cities against his moves, angered by his callousness and repressive behaviour. Similarly, the people of Britain have demonstrated angrily against him and have mocked him with Trump Baby effigy during his recent UK visit. We know though that his fervent supporters applaud his actions. They will likely vote for him next time around. They see a reflection of themselves in his attitude and behaviour – they too harbour nationalistic, anti-immigration, even white supremacist feelings – America only for Americans.

With the US Supreme Court upholding by five to four (the court has a five/four majority of conservatives) Trump’s travel ban on Muslims that prohibits entry into the United States of most people from Iran, Libya, Somalia, Syria and Yemen, these people are now legally excluded from US residence and citizenship. This is xenophobia run riot, but Trump is triumphant, especially as the court agreed that the government “had set forth a sufficient national security justification”; in other words these Muslims constitute a national security risk. His supporters agree. This move will enhance his popularity among his supporters, as is already showing up in the polls.

There is no point in expressing righteous indignation at Trump’s actions, as this is what his own followers want. The people themselves are complicit, as is the Supreme Court, which could swerve even more to the conservative right if Trump’s nomination of an ultra-conservative replacement for retiring Supreme Court Justice Anthony Kennedy, namely Justice Brett Kavanaugh, is confirmed. Kavanaugh’s radial views are disquieting. Read what publisher Phillip Frazer has to say about him, and Trump’s reason for nominating him. It’s alarming. Trump is determined to entrench his ideology in the Court and perhaps set the scene for the revocation of some liberal laws: to give just two examples, laws relating to abortion and gay rights.

Image from act.credoaction.com

South of the Mexican border, it will be intriguing to see how Trump’s anti-immigration policy, especially where it is directed against Mexicans, will play out with the recent election of left-wing populist, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, popularly known by his initials AMLO, to replace the unpopular, right wing Enrique Peña Nieto as President of Mexico. AMLO heads the National Regeneration Movement, which fosters a sense of nationalism and nostalgia for a long past. Trump’s nationalistic ideology is similar. AMLO campaigned against violence, corruption, inequality – and US President Donald Trump, whom he detests. It will be fascinating to see how these two egocentric characters bump their heads together!

Thinking back, how has this anti-immigration sentiment arisen throughout Europe and the world? For a clue, reflect on the Brexit campaign that culminated in June 2016 when a bare 51.9% of Britons voted to ‘Leave’. The most powerful ‘Leave’ slogan perpetrated by UKIP’s Michael Farage, Boris Johnson, and their ilk was ‘Take back control’.

It carried the not-too-subtle message that the UK had lost control of its borders and that those seeking to enter from foreign countries were taking over. Some Britons said they could hardly recognize their own streets, now filled with those of different colour, religion, and habits, where food outlets reflected a cuisine different from traditional British, where they felt they were strangers in their own country. The ‘Leave’ campaign was so potent, appealing as it did to nationalism and even xenophobia, that it carried the day, leaving the UK wallowing in a monumental mess, still trying to work out how to extricate itself from Europe by 2019. Having created the mess, Boris Johnson then made the mess even messier when he decided to resign as Foreign Secretary, just hours after Brexit minister David Davis also pulled the plug. His reason: Theresa May’s Brexit plan could see Britain turned into a colony!

Reflect now on other powerful nations where extreme right policies and authoritarianism prevail. Russia springs to mind. Vladimir Putin exercises complete control, crushes dissent, jails opponents, kills dissidents, and shamelessly annexes neighbouring countries such as the Crimea and Ukraine despite the protests of their people, claiming all the time that his actions reflect the wish of the people of these countries. Several European nations support Putin’s moves, and Donald Trump admires him as a ‘strong man’!

North Korea is a repressive regime where opponents are murdered, sent to penal camps, where its people are oppressed by a ruthless hereditary dictator, where military spending takes precedence over feeding its people so that Kim Jung-un can threaten his neighbours and the rest of the world with nuclear catastrophe. And Donald Trump admires him! Kim fosters, indeed insists on unswerving loyalty to the ‘dear leader’, promotes rampant nationalism manifest by military parades and wildly clapping subjects, just as Trump desires!

If you think right wing extremism is an overseas phenomenon, reflect on the behaviour of our own government. Peter Dutton promotes nationalist attitudes with his border protection policies and his imprisonment of boat arrivals on Manus Island and Nauru. In pursuit of the Coalition’s authoritarian ‘law and order’ ideology, he paints boat arrivals as an invasion force, to be repelled, to be given no encouragement whatsoever ‘lest it encourage people smugglers to resume their trade’. His leader enthusiastically echoes his anti-immigration sentiments.

On another front, further evidence of the Coalition’s extreme right wing leanings is its attitude to the ABC. As is the case with all authoritarian regimes, the Coalition finds dissent unacceptable and therefore to be suppressed. The enthusiasm with which the Young Liberals passed without dissent a motion to privatise the ABC, long held as policy by the IPA, shows how easily we could slip into an Orwellian state in our own country. The instant denials by Coalition members that this would never happen should be set against the repeated complaints about the ABC voiced by Communications Minister, Mitch Fifield. Anyone who believes the Coalition’s ‘reassurances’ is a fool. If you think it’s an exaggeration that Australia is edging towards an Orwellian ‘police state’, read this article: An incomplete list of evidence that Australia is becoming a police state by Crikey’s Bernard Keane.

Now, as icing on the radical right wing cake, we have turncoat Mark Latham sidling up to Pauline Hanson mouthing anti-Labor right wing slogans, raving about how the country’s gone crazy with its political correctness, identity politics, and anti-white racism! For her part, Hanson insists she would love to have him beside her in Parliament. Imagine that! Moreover, she has preferenced Dr Jim Saleam of the Australia First Party at No.8, two spots ahead of Labor in the Longman by-election. Saleam is a convicted criminal and former neo-Nazi who formerly led National Action, a militant white supremacist group.

So where does that leave us? Surrounded by authoritarian, nationalistic, anti-immigration, even xenophobic governments all around the world, and governed here by a Coalition that harbours similar sentiments, what future can we expect?

We should be very fearful that this global wave of extreme right wing behaviour will overwhelm us in our own country, and thereby destroy the democratic rights and freedoms we have enjoyed for so long.

Remember Nineteen Eighty-Four.

This article was originally published on The Political Sword.

For Facebook users, The Political Sword has a Facebook page:
Putting politicians and commentators to the verbal sword – ‘Like’ this page to receive notification on your timeline of anything they post.

There is also a personal Facebook page:
Ad Astra’s page – Send a friend request to interact there.

The Political Sword also has twitter accounts where they can notify followers of new posts:
@1TPSTeam (The TPS Team account)
@Adastra5 (Ad Astra’s account)

We have forgotten what is important let alone how to fight for it

The trouble with neoliberalism is it focuses on the how and not on the why.

The result of this headlong pursuit of continuous growth is a concentration of wealth in the hands of a few while the vast majority are mired in poverty.  At the same time, environmental degradation in the pursuit of profit, and the waste produced by billions of consumers, is destroying the planet.

Neoliberalism purports to reward individual effort, completely ignoring the fact that we don’t all start from the same place.

It is much easier to build wealth if you start with some assets.  It is easier to do well at school if you have somewhere to live and enough to eat.  It is easier when your parents can afford to pay for extra tuition or to pay university fees so you don’t start life with a humungous debt.  It is easier to find work if you have a car or can afford, and have access to, good public transport.  It is easier to fight for your rights when you can afford a barrister.  And it is much easier to protect and grow your wealth if you can afford financial advisers and accountants.

Neoliberalism cares nothing about the greater good.  Every man and woman for themselves.  Lobbyists promote self-interest and the privileged jealously guard their perks.  Greed has replaced our sense of community, collective caring and shared responsibility.

Neoliberal governments strive to reduce regulation but businesses exist to maximise profits, not make moral or even ethical choices.  They will adhere to the law (usually) but contribute no more than they are forced to do.  And even that is questionable.  A quick look at the Fairwork Ombudsman site shows hundreds of litigations for underpayments, sham contracting, false or inadequate record-keeping and a litany of other abuses.

Environmental protection regulations are regularly breached with minimal consequences.  The Department of the Environment and Energy shows some case judgements but they seem to have dwindled to almost nothing since the Coalition won government.

Conservatives are often religious, insisting on imposing their view of the sanctity of life on everyone.  But they complain bitterly about contributing to the cost of raising children or caring for the elderly or providing a safety net for those who cannot work or find employment.

Spending on health, education, welfare and environmental protection is not a cost but an investment in a happier, more productive, more harmonious society.  That creates savings itself and benefits everyone.

Increasing company profits, on the other hand, have only benefitted CEOs and shareholders.  With company profits at record highs, investors enjoyed a 9.5 per cent per annum increase in dividend payments last year, while workers’ wages remain stuck growing at roughly 2 per cent per annum.  Rather than sharing the benefits of a revenue boost, the government wants to give even more back to big business through tax cuts and less to workers through cuts to penalty rates.  They want to impose draconian industrial relations laws and hobble workers’ ability to negotiate or protest, all the while protecting shareholders at every turn.

Despite the taxation assistance already given to small businesses, many will continue to struggle until their customers have more disposable income, a fact the government seems unable to understand.  Big business lobby groups oppose any increase in the minimum wage but they still think it would be a good idea for the government to give people on welfare a bit more to spend.

The idea that we must decrease company taxes to attract investment is not borne out by the facts. Non-mining investment grew by 14.0% through the year ending March 31, 2018 with many foreign investments coming from countries with lower tax rates.

You can’t tax a profitable business into being unprofitable, but you can, with their contribution, provide a strong judicial system, a safe place to do business where the rule of law is enforced, sophisticated transport and communication infrastructure, a well-educated, healthy workforce and a comparatively stable government.  These are the things that attract business investment.

We don’t need more growth.  What we need is a better, more equitable distribution of our finite resources.  Why should the owners of the capital amass wealth beyond measure built on the work of others who struggle just to survive?

We are a wealthy nation but we have lost our compassion.  We have forgotten our duty to protect the vulnerable.  We have abandoned our obligation to keep our home clean.  We ignore the plight of less fortunate countries.

We have become consumed by greed and gluttony.  But that has led to a greater poverty – a poverty of purpose and dignity, as Robert Kennedy said fifty years ago.

“Too much and for too long, we seem to have surrendered personal excellence and community values in the mere accumulation of material things.

If we judge [our success by Gross National Product], that Gross National Product counts air pollution and cigarette advertising, and ambulances to clear our highways of carnage.

It counts special locks for our doors and the jails for the people who break them.  It counts the destruction of the redwood and the loss of our natural wonder in chaotic sprawl.

It counts napalm and counts nuclear warheads and armored cars for the police to fight the riots in our cities.  It counts Whitman’s rifle and Speck’s knife, and the television programs which glorify violence in order to sell toys to our children.

Yet the gross national product does not allow for the health of our children, the quality of their education or the joy of their play.  It does not include the beauty of our poetry or the strength of our marriages, the intelligence of our public debate or the integrity of our public officials.

It measures neither our wit nor our courage, neither our wisdom nor our learning, neither our compassion nor our devotion to our country, it measures everything in short, except that which makes life worthwhile.”

That same year, 1968, Martin Luther King organized the “Poor People’s Campaign” to address issues of economic justice.  The campaign culminated in a march on Washington, D.C., demanding economic aid to the poorest communities of the United States.

He felt that Congress had shown “hostility to the poor” by spending “military funds with alacrity and generosity.” He contrasted this with the situation faced by poor Americans, claiming that Congress had merely provided “poverty funds with miserliness.”  He was particularly in support of a guaranteed basic income.

His vision was for change that was more revolutionary than mere reform: he cited systematic flaws of “racism, poverty, militarism and materialism”, and argued that “reconstruction of society itself is the real issue to be faced.”

They shot them both that year.

Fifty years later, we are so used to all the things they warned about that we have given up the fight.

It is possible that a visionary leader could get the weight of the people behind them to remind us of what is important, but would the corporate world ever allow it?

Being a transracial adoptee: a unique perspective on racism

Disclaimer: New Zealand artist Gabby Malpas is a transracial adoptee of Chinese descent. She “followed the herd” to the UK in 1989 and lived there for 14 years, before emigrating to Australia in 2003. She became an Australian citizen in 2017.

It is only recently at 48 years of age that Malpas started coming “out of the adoption fog”. She is now 51. Malpas met her birth mother when she was 38, however it has only been in the past few years that she has begun to process her life experiences and understand why race and racist incidents are such a big deal for her. She doesn’t hold herself up as blameless or without racial prejudice of her own but she is putting energy into developing empathy and awareness and trying to keep a sense of humour about it all.

All in all Malpas says she is living a fantastic life. She has had opportunities and adventures most only dream about and she grasps every day with both hands as an artist, because that is what she does and has been working towards for over 30 years. Her reason for opening up about racism is to help other transracial adoptees coming after her. The world is a different place to the one Malpas grew up in and she had to find her own way. She believes that if sharing her experiences helps someone else, it is worth it.

Malpas says she is still learning how not to be a dick.

Being a transracial adoptee: a unique perspective on racism

If there is one thing guaranteed to cause a frenzy of outrage and defensive indignation, it’s an accusation of racism. Mainstream and social media erupts with analysis, condemnation and fury over the alleged insults; both the derogatory slur and being labelled a racist.

Throughout it all, tempers flare. Equally adversarial personalities argue over which “human right” takes precedence; the right to freedom of speech, or the right to be free from racial abuse, while other commentators question if everyone is being just a tad oversensitive, or if it’s another case of “political correctness gone mad”. And then the media cycle moves on, and a new outrage gains prominence. Racism is yesterday’s news.

Yet the lives of people of colour aren’t dictated by populist trends. Personal attacks based on skin colour and ethnic origin don’t stop once racism is out of the spotlight. There is no reprieve for those subjected to a lifetime of insults, harassment or abuse on the basis of who they are.

For New Zealand artist Gabby Malpas, this is an exhausting experience. As a transracial adoptee of Chinese descent born in the ‘60s, Malpas has seen countless media cycles bring racism to the forefront of people’s minds. However, the voices of those most intimately affected by racist sentiment are often overlooked in favour of the loudest commentators “being offended on behalf of ‘brown’ people” or insisting that “brown’ people choose to take offence”.

Malpas’s upbringing has given her a unique perspective on racism. One of ten children in a “white” family, she was raised exactly the same as her siblings, and received no special recognition of her Asian ancestry. This, of course, means that she has a keen understanding of western culture, mentality and expectations.

Yet Asian race-hate was rife across western nations in the sixties and seventies, and as a child, Malpas became increasingly aware of the different way she was seen and treated in the community. She was subject to daily bullying and taunts, something her family and friends did not understand, acknowledge or even vaguely appreciate. Malpas quickly learned that no one was interested in hearing about the racial slurs and abuse; in fact, no one believed her experiences were racially motivated. She was dismissed, told to ignore it, or disbelieved.

This pattern of having her experiences ignored and dismissed became a familiar occurrence, and continued long into adulthood. Malpas learned to expect it, just as she learned that she would be subject to racism. She found she was constantly in “attack mode”, attempting to preempt and prepare for the next wave of abuse. Yet whenever she tried to change how she reacted, another incident would occur; being racially attacked, followed by dismissal and denial by those around her, and the cycle would begin again.

It wasn’t until she was in her thirties that the extent of the difference between how she expected she would be treated, having been raised in New Zealand in a “white family”, and how she was treated, on the basis of her Asian appearance, finally became clear in her mind.

Malpas recounts a shocking example; in her early twenties, she embarked on a backpacking holiday in South East Asia with a male friend. Her recollection is vivid, but she now understands the cultural reaction: “In my naive and culturally ignorant eyes I should have been treated with the respect given to white tourists – yet in many places I was seen as a prostitute because I was an Asian with a white male.”

This wasn’t an isolated incident, and was just one of many distressing situations Malpas found herself in where she was judged and treated differently to her friends and family based on racial stereotypes. Malpas came to realise that her “life experiences were not, are not, and never will be the same” as her adopted family.

For people of colour, “racism” isn’t a buzzword, it isn’t a hot topic, it doesn’t provide a chance to bemoan the loss of freedom of speech or congratulate oneself on the nation’s “tolerance and acceptance of diversity”. Yet for many “white” Australians, it is unfathomable that they, or their friends, may be complicit in defending, condoning or supporting racism.

For people of colour, racism is reality. It is something they experience with weary regularity. It forms a part of their lives from which there is no escape, no matter how much people tell them to “lighten up”, “take a joke”, “just get over it” or “stop playing ‘victim’”.

Still, public discourse focusses on superficial questions: “Is Australia a racist nation?”, “Is it racist to call an Indigenous man an ape?”, “Is racism an issue in contemporary society?”

The time for “debating” these topics is long gone, if there ever was a time. However there is still fierce denial from many in the community, who cannot come to terms with Australia’s racist history, or accept that racism still exists. They fall back on the narrative that as Australia is a multiculturally diverse and “tolerant” nation, it cannot possibly be racially motivated when people of colour experience abuse.

Racism exists in every culture, and it is just as deeply embedded in Australian society, culture and language as any other nation. The Government and institutions unrepentantly support racist policies: The proposed Citizenship law changes impact disproportionately on people of colour and are a thinly veiled return to a White Australia policy (which only ended in 1973), the Northern Territory Intervention, where the Army was sent in to an Indigenous community and paternalistic controls set in place, occurred just ten years ago. Indigenous Australians were only recognised and counted as “people” in 1967.

It has taken Malpas almost her whole life to understand her relationship with race and identity, and how her life experience has shaped her. The reality is, and always was, that she is different. She was never truly equal to her “white” contemporaries and her experiences have been tinged by colour. She is different too, to Asians who have grown up in their own families or culture. Malpas identifies that the experiences of transracial adoptees is so unique that they are generally only understood by other transracial adoptees.

Malpas says self-denial played a huge part in her life. She couldn’t identify as “white”, but she didn’t identify as “Asian”. And Malpas didn’t want to be “Asian”; Asian women were portrayed in the media as “sexy and submissive or conniving”, and Asian men as “weak”. Her family had no concept of what it was like to be “Asian”, and no understanding of Malpas’s personal experiences. She felt isolated, and in her struggle to find her place, participated in self-deprecating banter to “get in first” with the inevitable racist “jokes”, if only to show she wasn’t really one of “them”.

Malpas believes that social media has been brilliant at exposing racist behaviour and actions. Smartphones capture incidents as they happen, in all the terrible, distressing detail, and the images and videos may be widely shared. Malpas feels validated and heartened by the community calling out incidences of racism and stepping up to denounce it as unacceptable.

But with so many people still in denial that racism is present, and many who don’t understand what constitutes racist behaviour, there is a long way to go. Even more so when the Government, media and other institutions openly support division in the community. In the past month alone, a Sky News’ Outsiders program presenter told the Government appointed Race Discrimination Commissioner,  Dr Tim Soutphommasane, to “go back to Laos” (he was born in France). Last month, another veteran broadcaster, Red Symons, asked ABC journalist and radio producer, Beverley Wang, “what’s the deal with Asians” and if she was “yellow”. Senator Pauline Hanson has built a political platform on divisive policies.

However, unless a person has personally experienced racially motivated abuse, many find it hard to recognise and identify racism. Consequently, they fail to appreciate the impact a seemingly minor incident can have on a person, and how dismissal over the incident can add to distress.

But what counts as racist? Who gets to decide what is offensive?

Malpas believes that a good starting point is to “let the ‘brown’ people decide”. And then, most importantly, listen to what they say; if a “brown” person says it is offensive, believe them.

The lived experience of people of colour shows that racism comes in many forms. It may be calling someone a “nigger” or “dirty Abo”, or saying “go back to where you came from, you yellow c***”. It may be as subversive as subtly reminding a person that they are an “other”, for example, by using a person’s individual name as an identifier for a whole race, or assuming that an Asian in a “white” household is the “nanny”.

It might be in the form of a micro-aggression, for example, by declaring, “I’m not racist, my friend is brown/yellow/black”, “You should know what that is – you’re Asian,” or by playing on the fetishization of a race, for example, by only dating a person of colour when it’s fashionable to have a “cute Asian girlfriend”.

Malpas is encouraged by the rise in awareness of racism. Yet when it comes to comment and debate, she says it is crucial to listen to people of colour and acknowledge that the experiences of people of colour are not the same as a “white” majority in western nations.

Structural inequality is deeply embedded. While simplistic “colourblind” mantras, for example, that “all races matter, we are all one race; the human race,” may be well-meaning, they ignore the reality that people of colour have far greater challenges to overcome than others in the community due to systematic and institutionalised discrimination.

Current generations are still impacted by the inequality, abuse and state-sanctioned controls exercised over their parents, grandparents, extended family and ancestors. This is particularly the case where indigenous people were captured, murdered and deliberately dehumanised, or in the case of African Americans, imported and bred for slavery. The trauma, passed from one generation to the next, is still very real today.

Malpas talks honestly about her experiences with racism and her isolation until connecting with other transracial adoptees three years ago. The connection with others with similar experience has lessened her feelings of isolation. She believes that promoting inclusiveness and diversity through acknowledgment of difference will have a far greater impact in combating the never-ending cycle of racist abuse than resorting to idealistic principles of “oneness”.

For Malpas, coming to terms with her past has been a lengthy, thought-provoking experience. She uses her art to express her feelings about race, culture and identity in “lavish and beautiful images”. Sensitive subjects are explored in an engaging and respectful way. Her art is a gentle response to being silenced and a subtle reminder for people to listen to those who have a story to share. It took her 48 years to begin to make art about her life experiences that communicated the way she wanted; with “love, respect and a little bit of humour”.

When Malpas was growing up, very little support existed for transracially adopted children and their families. Now she provides some support to the next generation of young people by volunteering her time, skills and experience. Her reason for opening up about racism is to help the next generation of transracial adoptees and their families.

In addition to being a professional artist, Malpas runs art workshops, including monthly sessions for adolescent Chinese adoptees with the FCCA (Families with Children from China). She is on the advisory committee of the NSW Post Adoption Resource Centre (PARC), part of the Benevolent Society, is actively involved in adoption groups such as Intercountry Adoptee Voices (ICAV) and is the “down under” ambassador for the Peace Through Prosperity Foundation. Malpas speaks at adoption and art events and meetings, and provides personal support to other transracial adoptees. She also donates art to charities on a regular basis, including the Cancer Council, Epilepsy Action Australia, Thompson Reuters, and Wheelchair Sports NSW.

Malpas’s story is important not only for other transracial adoptees. Her experience and observations also provide insight into what the broader community can do to lessen the divide and limit the impact of harmful public debate:

Listen before you speak. When calling someone out on racist behaviour, consider, are you speaking your own mind, or are you amplifying the voices of those who are personally impacted? Listen to the stories, accept history and acknowledge the distress and anxiety caused by repeated race-based attacks. Show empathy, kindness and understanding. Listen.

 

Like what we do at The AIMN?

You’ll like it even more knowing that your donation will help us to keep up the good fight.

Chuck in a few bucks and see just how far it goes!

Your contribution to help with the running costs of this site will be gratefully accepted.

You can donate through PayPal or credit card via the button below, or donate via bank transfer: BSB: 062500; A/c no: 10495969

Donate Button

Why Western civilization is doomed

By Christian Marx

Humanity is an incredibly craven and self interested species. We pollute the atmosphere, go to endless wars for other mens resources. Rape, murder, bomb children for the bankers profits. We worship false idols, from celebrity pretenders with no substance to war criminals with the blood of millions on their hands. We celebrate the cult of greed and many snicker at the misfortune of the poor and the disenfranchised when reading the daily cesspool of manufactured news and propaganda.

Is there hope for humanity? Extremely doubtful. When a large percentage are happy for the universal health system in the United Kingdom to crumble, because vested corporate interests told them lies, hope is thin on the ground.

When minorities are demonized with sick hatred in a blanket of 24 hour propaganda in order to shift the problems of capitalism onto those who have no control or power to fight back, we as a nation have hit rock bottom.

When a man who has vested financial interests in the destruction of Middle Eastern governments for his oil and gas company, is permitted to spew his lies and hate and NOBODY on either side of government will stand up to him, we as a nation are terminal.

How did it get to this? Perhaps it is in man’s nature to destroy himself. This author believes this to be so. Have a look around you. Everywhere there is hatred and chaos. It all stems from the system of greed we call capitalism.

  • Why do wars start? Answer: Another nation seeks to rape the resources and steal the wealth of another country.

  • Why do social safety nets collapse? Answer: Big business refuse to pay tax and continue to bribe governments to destroy their own social services.

  • Why does racism and bigotry flourish? Answer: Vested corporate interests constantly divide society over racial, religious and cultural schisms.

  • How is it possible for many to willingly believe glaring lies? Answer: Many don`t care anymore, so long as the lies fit their own narrative.

  • What is the driving force behind most of the dysfunction in society? Answer: Corporate greed.

What can we do about it? Sadly it is largely far too late to do anything. The majority continue to sleep in front of reality television, designed to rot their brain. Critical thinking is a thing of the past and hatred of those less fortunate has been indoctrinated into the collective psyche of hundreds of millions throughout the world. (Particularly in Australia, North America and the United Kingdom).

The constant myth peddled is that “we can no longer afford healthcare” or “our deficit is out of control” bullshit. The government creates all the money via its ownership of manufacturing the currency. In Australia at least the Federal Reserve is government owned. We cannot run out of money!

The biggest waste is the huge taxpayer funded subsidies for leaners such as Gina Rhinehart. Over 1 BILLION of government subsidies per year are paid to this monster. Imagine what the government could do with that sort of money to fix our health system, tackle our chronic unemployment problem, or alleviate the housing crisis.

But no, let’s foist the doctrine of Neoliberal economics onto the nation. A proven failure of a system, causing untold suffering across the world. Neoliberalism strips public assets and sells them for peanuts onto corrupt businesses, who then suck massive subsidies from the tax payer. They then run dysfunctional services and claim subsidies from the government. This IS criminal.

But lo and behold, the average citizen with a shoe sized IQ cares not! He has his Foxtel and has not yet succumbed to the rapid erosion of the job market. As soon as he does he will squeal like a stuck pig … but right now he is more interested in hating on Muslims, the unemployed, the homeless. Why? Because a spider named Murdoch tells him what to think and he feels comforted by the fact that there are others being kicked in the head. It makes him or her feel superior.

We are not doomed because our system is collapsing. In a world with critical thinking and some modicum of empathy and intelligence, this could be arrested and fixed. No, we are doomed because a large minority of people just don`t give a stuff.

 

Like what we do at The AIMN?

You’ll like it even more knowing that your donation will help us to keep up the good fight.

Chuck in a few bucks and see just how far it goes!

Your contribution to help with the running costs of this site will be gratefully accepted.

You can donate through PayPal or credit card via the button below, or donate via bank transfer: BSB: 062500; A/c no: 10495969

Donate Button

Day to Day Politics: I’m offended not by her racism but her thickness of intellect.

Friday 16 September

1 Pauline Hanson’s maiden Senate speech, a rich diatribe of vitriolic undisguised racism, duplicated her House of Representatives one 20 years ago. It contained all the vile nasty racism of her previous oration, embellished with another 20 years of built up loathing.

Politicians, journalists and other folk with an interest in sensationalism or political expediency have rushed to defend her right to say what she wants. It’s a free country with free speech. Who is saying she hasn’t the right. Nobody needs to defend her right to say what she thinks. Julie Bishop and others in the government , regardless of what they really think, have a vested interest in courting her favours. They say because she got 1% of the vote she should be respected and listened to. We should not attack her vileness but simple present the facts. Well frankly I think that’s bullshit.

An observation

“People often argue from within the limitations of their understanding and when their factual evidence is scant, they revert to an expression of their feelings”.

After her maiden speech twenty years ago the Herald Sun, yes the paper where the truth goes to die, devoted a full-page to it. The headline read, ‘Facts lacking in Hanson’s claims’. They listed 11 claims from her speech and conclusively proved that she was factually wrong in each.

An observation.

“It is the smallness of the mind that true ignorance can be found”.

To repeat that “we are in danger of being overrun by Asians” when it didn’t happen with the same line about Muslims both revealed her stupidity and her capacity for lying. Muslims are a little less than 2% of the population. About the same as Buddhists. Even if they bred like rabbits it would take hundreds of years for them to overrun the country.

I don’t see why you cannot call her out factually, for all her nonsensical misunderstanding of an Australia now and in the future and at the same time expose her hatred for what it is. The Greens have been criticised for walking out. Good on them, I only wish Labor had done the same.

She is a racist bigot with no redeeming features. A person who is attracted to the media for reasons of self-interest. One who disregards facts because to do so would take away the essence of controversy on which she thrives.

There are many words one could use to describe Pauline Hanson, words like vile, depraved contemptible, hateful, abhorrent, and despicable but really the worst thing about her is her incapacity to understand the truth of things and the damage that ignorance does in the wrong hands.

Fact is a derivative of objective reasoning and evaluation. It would seem that in the past 20 years she has learnt none of it.

An observation.

“It is the misinformed who shout the loudest. The rest of us are content with the truth we enquired about.”

We need to call her out for what she is and back it up with facts at the same time. Journalists should ask the obvious. Ask her for the evidence of what she preaches.

The images of Senators like Hinch and Cash condoning her speech with hugs will remain indelible in my mind to remind me that ‘The standard you walk past is the standard you accept’.

That’s what the honourable Senators who shook her hand and hugged her did. Sorry did I use the word honourable.

2 I have written this week almost to the point of exhaustion about the inane proposition of a plebiscite on Marriage Equality.

It looks highly likely that the Labor Party will knock back the Coalitions plans for a Plebiscite in February.

Of course Bill Shorten could always allow the bill to pass saying, “I will out of respect for LBGT people allow the bill for a plebiscite to pass and ask the people of Australia to do what their Prime Minister didn’t have the guts too”.

That of course won’t happen and the Prime Minister and the conservative right-wing of his party will make hay while the sun shines blaming Labor for putting an end to Marriage Equality for the next three years at least. However those in the gay community who will no doubt feel disappointed, even let down, will also understand what motivates Bill Shortens decision.

I messaged a gay friend to gain some insight into their reaction.

Me: “I am caught between a rock and a hard place. I want Marriage Equality but not via a plebiscite. How are you and Smithy thinking?”

Smithy: “Selfishly we want Marriage Equality but in terms of the big picture it’s horrible to think how much hurt and suicides it will cause.”

When introducing the bill to Parliament, perhaps inadvertently, the Prime Minister gave us a taste of the discourteous tone a plebiscite is likely to produce. His attack on Julia Gillard sounded contrary to the civil tone he has suggested the debate would take.

A plebiscite would no doubt have produced a civil unrest usually reserved for the Muslim bashers of society. One that would see religion at its worst and best and social activists the same. Neither would do justice to our way of life.

In the aftermath of it all one bright journalist might ask the question of Malcolm Turnbull. If you are the Prime Minister at the next election what will be your policy on Marriage Equality?

It’s a question to ponder if you think about it.

Now that Turnbull has done a backflip on Superannuation it might also be asked of the PM, why he could not also have changed his mind on the plebiscite.

John Howard changed the marriage act to say a ‘man and woman’ so it could be changed back. We just need the will and the leadership.

Some further comments by others.

Bravo Dean Smith!

“As a lifelong parliamentary and constitutional conservative, I cannot countenance a proposition that threatens to undermine the democratic compact that has seen Australia emerge as one of the most stable parliamentary democracies in the world. I have never heard a candidate standing for election say they want to represent their community – except on issues where it’s all too difficult, in which case they will contract-out their responsibilities as a legislator.

Not only am I opposed to a plebiscite on same-sex marriage shirking politicians of their elected representative responsibility, I’m vehemently opposed to public money funding the campaigns, especially taxpayers money going to the church who seem to think they have some moral imperative franchise on matrimonial Union. Not only is it offensive to put debate in the public forum enabling the soap box hate lobby, it’s a catastrophic failure of leadership in maintaining overwhelming progressive community values and majority mainstream sentiment.

Yet, this is effectively what the plebiscite proposal is – a willing admission by some that an institution suddenly, on one issue alone, not up to the job.”

Paul Bongiorno @joshgnosis the hypocrisy breathtaking Tony Abbott foisted the plebiscite on his party to delay and defeat SSM.

As for me, as I said, I am exhausted by the subject but the fight for social justice is a never-ending story.

My thought for the day.

In the information age, those who control the dissemination of news have more power than government”.

With all that is wrong with Australia, all we hear about is boats

I truly detest how this country is treating asylum seekers and I detest the policies of both the Coalition and Labor – none of which remotely consider the onshore processing of refugees who arrive or attempt to arrive by boat.

I also detest how the asylum seeker issue is thrust front and centre by the government as the issue which will most likely decide who wins the next federal election. With nothing else to take to the election, naturally it’s all that the government wants us to be focused on.

And of course, the compliant Murdoch media is an active agent in promoting the discourse in our popular consciousness that we need to keep our borders safe from ‘boat people’.

I live in hope that one day (soon, I hope) that we witness an Australian government adopt both a heart and a humane policy on ‘boat people’ and I would like to see it embraced by most Australians. The latter, of course, would require an absolute turnaround to our popular consciousness.

End of story.

I don’t want to talk about ‘boat people’ any more. With all that is wrong with Australia, all we hear about is boats.

Instead of the government and the Murdoch media telling us what the important issues are, we should be turning it back onto them.

Take away the blather and the bravado about our ‘right to be tough’ towards asylum seekers and dig into the core of what really is important to us and this is what you’ll find:

As at June 2015 over 753,000 Australians were unemployed. In September 2013 – the month of the federal election – the number was just over 706,000. So since the election 47,000 more people are out of work. What is the government doing about the trend? Nothing. What is the media saying about it? Nothing.

Are there more people unemployed in Australia than the number of asylum seekers attempting to come here by boat? Yes.

Housing affordability has gone through the roof (excuse the pun) as have house prices themselves. The median house price in Sydney – our most populated city – is expected to hit $1,000,000 by the end of the year while Australia wide it sits at $660,000. Young people are now struggling more than ever to enter the housing market as the “Australian dream” of home ownership is under threat. But not according to our Treasurer Joe Hockey who insists that houses in Sydney are not unaffordable while the Prime Minister says he wants house prices to rise. That’s right. Rise. With young people struggling to buy a house at today’s prices our Prime Minister wants them to pay even more, despite the fact that housing affordability already represents a long-term structural problem that has been neglected for decades. So, what then can I assume our government is doing about housing affordability? Well based on the attitude of our Treasurer and Prime Minister, nothing. It’s not a problem apparently.

I wonder, are there more people in Australia struggling to or unable to buy a house than the number of asylum seekers attempting to come here by boat? Yes.

Over two and a half million Australians, including over 600,000 children live below the poverty line. That number represents almost 14% of our population. Welfare recipients are most at risk of living in poverty, yet these are the people most likely to be adversely affected by this government’s budgetary measures. So is the government doing anything to reduce the level of poverty in Australia? No.

Are there more people living below the poverty line in Australia than the number of asylum seekers attempting to come here by boat? Yes.

On any given night there are 105,000 homeless Australians with 42 per cent of these being under 25. We do not hear the media talk about this as a damning blight of our society and neither do we hear the government offering any solution to it. But can we expect them to when Tony Abbott says that homelessness is a ‘choice‘?

And by the way, are there more homeless people in Australia than the number of asylum seekers attempting to come here by boat? Yes.

Around one in five women in Australia have experienced some form of domestic violence. These are “epidemic proportions” to the point that domestic violence has now become a national emergency. As has the number of women killed by a violent partner: with at least one women murdered every week. What is the government doing about it? Not much by the look of it.

Are there more people in Australia experiencing domestic violence than the number of asylum seekers attempting to come here by boat? Yes.

Australia is now the most expensive country to live in and Australians are “struggling to cope as the cost of living pressures bite“.  An estimated one in three Australians cannot meet their cost of living expenses on their current incomes. What is the government doing about it? Nothing. What is the media saying about it? Nothing.

Are there more people in Australia struggling with the cost of living than the number of asylum seekers attempting to come here by boat? Yes.

Our economy is “grinding into stagnation” and rather than the three or so per cent growth each year we’ve come to expect, we might have to get used to 2 per cent GDP growth. And as a result, lower living standards can be expected while “everything here is going to be much tougher than before and compared to the rest of the world”. So what is the government doing about it (apart from blaming Labor)? Nothing. “The government neither has no idea – let along any proposal, plan or program – for how to boost Australian growth back up to three or four per cent per year“. They’re not even talking about it. Meanwhile, some of our largest and most potentially-innovative sectors are held back by the Abbott Government’s bureaucracy and regulation.

And will more Australians be affected by a stagnant economy and lower living standards than the number of asylum seekers attempting to come here by boat? Yes.

Oh how I could go on. I only wish the media would too. I wish the media would tell us not only the truth about the Abbott Government but question their appalling attitude towards climate change, the environment, job security, racism, Indigenous Australians, human rights … take a pick!

And how about our spiraling debt?

And how about Tony Abbott’s record of lies and broken promises?

Yet, with all that is wrong with Australia, all we hear about is boats.

 

Like what we do at The AIMN?

You’ll like it even more knowing that your donation will help us to keep up the good fight.

Chuck in a few bucks and see just how far it goes!

Your contribution to help with the running costs of this site will be gratefully accepted.

You can donate through PayPal or credit card via the button below, or donate via bank transfer: BSB: 062500; A/c no: 10495969

Donate Button

An Open Letter to Tony Abbott (a happier one)

Dear Tony Abbott,

It’s been a year since I last wrote to you. I was very angry back then, but you’ll be pleased to hear that this letter is not being written in anger, but has much more of a triumphant tone than my previous correspondence. The reason for this turn in my mood has everything to do with the reversal in your political fortunes over the previous 12 months.

As I’m sure you’ve noticed, you are incredibly unpopular. Looking back at my grievances with you in the past, I can see that much of my frustration about your behaviour was born from the fact that you were so obviously getting away with being a complete wanker while still managing to be elected Prime Minister of Australia. No matter how much I tried to tell people just how dangerous a prospect you were as a PM, and no matter how violently opposed I was to everything you stood for, the Australian voting public went ahead anyway and chose to eat shit because they didn’t like spinach, and I must admit I may have gone a little mad with the injustice of it all. But I feel better now because you’ve been exposed. And you’re done now Tony. You’re finished.

Unfortunately the realisation that your character and your behaviour has finally caught up to you, hasn’t made up for the terror that you have inflicted on the Australian public during your first year as Prime Minister, and obviously won’t save us from the two years of terror we have to come. No matter what happens to your job Tony, your government is still ruined. I assume you’re fairly concerned about the permanency of your position as Prime Minister in the short term, considering just how unpopular you are, not just with the voting public but also with your own colleagues. You know as well as I do that the distraction of blaming Peta Credlin for all your faults can only last so long before those who used to support you start to question how it is that you either a) let Credlin make all your decisions for you and put words into your mouth considering you are meant to be the Prime Minister of Australia and capable of being the Prime Minister without a puppet-master controlling your every move, or you b) don’t let Credlin make all your decisions and instead make all the decisions yourself in which case the problem is with you and not Credlin and therefore you’re not capable of being the Prime Minister and should clearly be moved out of this job. I’m predicting a couple more Newspolls and you’ll be facing one or both of these questions. But either way, the problem with your government Tony is that you’re all as bad as each other. I’ve given up playing the ‘which Liberal MP is the worst in the government’ game because every time I settle on a winner, another contender reminds us why they are indeed the worst, and in fact you’re all competing to be the worst every day as if you’re running a sweep for which there must be a sizeable prize as you’re all trying your very hardest to piss off the electorate to the point of total electoral demise. It would be much more fun to watch this scene unfold if it wasn’t reeking such havoc on the fabric of my community in the meantime. But thankfully, the damage you are doing in the short term is just cementing in the minds of Australians an absolute determination never to let you or anyone like you anywhere near the job of Prime Minister ever again. So we can take the short term pain for the long term relief of you being a forgettable blip in an otherwise successful generation.

There’s one thing I want to make clear Tony. I’m not upset because members of your government are prone to ‘gaffes’, because I don’t think anything you or your other badly performing team members say are actually ‘gaffes’. A ‘gaffe’ is defined as ‘an unintentional act or remark causing embarrassment to its originator; a blunder’. A gaffe would therefore be something you said that you didn’t really mean, which you could easily apologise for and could be written off as a mistake and something that would never happen again. But no. It’s not just that the outrageous things you and your fellow Liberals have said are deeply offensive, and have helped Australia to get to know the true colours of you and your government, and to discover just how much we don’t want you running our country. There are no accidental slip ups when Peta Credlin is feeding words into your ear, which you carefully recite, slowly, mechanically, repeatedly, eerily, nastily, and sometimes with a perverse, psychopathic, lip-linking grin. You say exactly what you mean, and more importantly, you follow through on exactly what you say. So it’s not the sales pitch, the slogans, the sound bites, the ‘coal is good for humanity’, the ‘best thing I did for women was to repeal the Carbon Tax’, the ‘I’ll shirt-front President Putin, you bet I am, you bet you are’ memorable moments of your harrowing first year as Prime Minister. No, it’s everything you and your team say, constantly, every day, backing up your actions; your nasty ideological agenda, your culture war, your assault on social services, your refusal to take responsibility and instead blame Labor response to everything, your policies, your interest only in the super-rich, your hatred of the disadvantaged, your attacks on health and education, your inhumane treatment of asylum seekers, your vandalism of the environment, your racism, your sexism, your mismanagement of the economy, your attack on unions and the jobs they support, your campaign to use fear to control us, your beating up of what you call ‘leaners’, your self-entitlement, the most unfair budget Australia has ever seen, it’s everything you have ever done.

So forget about looking at your message Tony. Forget about the words. Your problem isn’t that the ‘left’ has figured you out and has found the best way to exploit your weaknesses to our advantage. The problem isn’t the budget sales pitch, something you can solve by hiring one of your ABC supporters as your new media manager. No Tony, the problem is you. The turd cannot be polished. We don’t like you and you keep digging the hole bigger. Scott Morrison as Social Services Minister? You’ve got to be f*cking kidding Tony. If you think that’s going to fix things, you’re dumber than I thought. And that’s why it’s over for you. Your government will be voted out in 2016, with or without you as their leader. It’s over Tony. Australia doesn’t want you as our Prime Minister. Australia doesn’t want a Liberal government full of conservative fundamentalists. And there’s nothing you can do now to stop us correcting our mistake.

Yours sincerely, as always
Victoria Rollison

We wanted Gough

So much has been said of the late Gough Whitlam since his passing this morning that I doubt there is anything new I could offer.

Carol wrote a brief article (We want Gough) a couple of years ago to celebrate his 96th birthday and to save me what might be a laborious task scratching around for those few extra elusive words, she has kindly let me reproduce it here. The words she found two years ago still fit nicely today.

Whether one agrees or disagrees with some of the initiatives of the Whitlam government, it cannot be argued that with his election as Prime Minister, Gough Whitlam brought Australia into the modern era.

When Whitlam was elected, there was a degree of staleness about the Liberal’s reign. The Menzies era had extended beyond the memories of many with subsequent Liberal Prime Ministers, Holt, McEwan, Gorton and McMahon being decidedly uninspiring. Then there was the deceit and chaos of Vietnam, and the disruption of young men’s lives with the conscription lottery.

Society was demanding a change of emphasis, post War baby boomers were looking for a far more egalitarian society. Successive Liberal governments sought to maintain the status quo, a classist system with an inward looking narrowness prevailed. God Save the Queen was our National Anthem.

The dynamism of Whitlam’s “It’s Time” election campaign was a reflection of a society changing, the entering of an era where politics was the realm of everyman.

Whitlam’s list of achievements during the short term of his Prime Ministership include:

  • 1972: ended conscription during Vietnam War.
  • 1973: created new government departments including Aboriginal Affairs, Environment and amalgamation of armed forces into Defence.
  • 1974: Aboriginal Land Fund Commission, Australian Legal Aid Office, National Employment and Training Scheme.
  • The Health Insurance Act 1973 established ‘Medibank’, a national health scheme funded by levy which provided free public hospital treatment and medical benefits totaling at least 85 per cent of the cost of doctor and hospital services.
  • The Trade Practices Act 1974 outlawed restrictive trade practices and ensured consumer protection and product and manufacturing liability.
  • The National Parks and Wildlife Conservation Act 1975 established a service to plan and manage national parks in line with international standards.
  • The Racial Discrimination Act 1975 enabled Australia to ratify the International Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination.
  • The Family Law Act 1975 replaced the existing grounds for divorce with a single ground, irretrievable breakdown of marriage (for example, having separated and lived apart for 12 months or more) and the extension of federal jurisdiction to maintenance, custody and property matters.

(A more detailed list of his achievements can be found in today’s article by John Lord).

No article on Gough would be complete without a mention of Margaret. Her influence on how many women perceived their roles in society is quite profound. This is giving due regard to the fact that prior to Margaret, the role of the partner of a Prime Minister was either tea and scones on the lawn, or as an attractive accessory.

“He admired her intellect, wit and commitment to improving the lives of others; she described him as ‘delicious’ and ensured his feet remained well-grounded.”

For myself, this era brings memories of the Draft, the Moratorium, and the anti-racism rallies (most especially around the Springbok tour). It was the beginning of a new Australian nationalism (which embraced multiculturalism), the fostering of the arts, the belief in a new society where irrespective of class, that all should have opportunities to succeed.

 

Like what we do at The AIMN?

You’ll like it even more knowing that your donation will help us to keep up the good fight.

Chuck in a few bucks and see just how far it goes!

Your contribution to help with the running costs of this site will be gratefully accepted.

You can donate through PayPal or credit card via the button below, or donate via bank transfer: BSB: 062500; A/c no: 10495969

Donate Button

The characteristics of Fascism and how we might note its presence today

Is fascism creeping into Australia?

There are clearly no Fascist regimes in Australia, or any regime with even the slightest of Fascist agendas. We’re a luckier country than that.

Broadly speaking, Fascism is:

A system of government marked by centralization of authority under a dictator, stringent socioeconomic controls, suppression of the opposition through terror and censorship, and typically a policy of belligerent nationalism and racism.

This clearly does not exist in Australia.

But as this guest post by Paul Cannon disturbingly points out, the ‘rhetoric and behaviour’ of the current federal government (and state governments) could easily have us believe otherwise.


Does it matter if democracy shifts to the right? That depends on where you stand politically. But if the shift is extreme then I think it is of grave concern. And what concerns me even more is the tendency to ignore the shift.

If you don’t look closely you never really notice it or generally laugh it off.

The Fourteen Defining Characteristics of Fascism by the author Lawrence Britt, originally published in Free Inquiry Magazine Vol. 23, No. 2, Spring, 2003 are worth noting in regard to current politics in the west These fourteen points are similar but not the same as those published by the author Umberto Eco in 1995, which are also worth reading.

Image from sodahead.com

Image from sodahead.com

Of course, immediately some of you have retreated, because every time the issue of Fascism comes up it is considered passé or too sensational (you can’t say that!) or irrelevant (don’t be ridiculous that was then) and therefore such a comparison to today should not be used. But I believe we hide our heads in the sand when we ignore the trend, even when it is a niche or even isolated elements showing up. Fascism wasn’t closed off in 1945, indeed it continued in Latin America, Spain and Portugal, and periodically in Italy long after the war. It shows up in mass movements across Europe like the British Defence Force, the National Front, and recently UKIP, to use England as just one example. In defining fascism one should avoid Hollywood movies as signifiers of what Fascism actually is and what it looks like. For Fascism to exist today, it cannot be as it was, we have to look for the essence in what is happening now and to ask – what clothes is it wearing?

I am not looking to review Fascism historically, or to dwell on the symptoms of historical Fascism but rather to look at the structure of Fascism and what might be happening now.

Fascism is not by definition totalitarian, it can use that form of governing, but it can be present in democracy. So let’s not be fooled by trying to say its nothing like 1920, or 1933 that is merely a smokescreen.

Fascism developed in Italy. The term Fascism derives from ‘fasces’ the Roman symbol of collectivism and power (a tied bundle of rods with a protruding axe). The Italians also had a description for the concept of Fascism, Benito Mussolini stated that Fascism was ‘estato corporativo’ which means the corporate state (a view also promoted by Othmar Spann in Austria). Fascism is a pretence or veneer of “socialism” or collectivism controlled by capitalism which is in partnership with government (much the same as National Socialism in Germany).

Lawrence Britt studied the National Socialist regime of Germany (Hitler), the Kingdom of Italy (Mussolini), Nationalist or Francoist Spain (Franco), the Military Government Junta of Chile (Pinochet) and other Latin American regimes (Argentina, Paraguay, El Salvador, Brazil), and New Order in Indonesia (Suharto). What Britt found was fourteen defining characteristics as follows:

1. Powerful and Continuing Nationalism: Fascist regimes tend to make constant use of patriotic mottos, slogans, symbols, songs, and other paraphernalia. Flags are seen everywhere, as are flag symbols on clothing and in public displays.

2. Disdain for the recognition of human rights: because of fear of enemies and the need for security, the people in fascist regimes are persuaded that human rights can be ignored in certain cases because of “need.” The people tend to look the other way or even approve of torture, summary executions, assassinations, long incarcerationsof prisoners, etc.

3. Identification of Enemies/Scapegoats as a Unifying Cause: the people are rallied into a unifying Patriotic frenzy over the need to eliminate a perceived common threat or foe: racial, ethnic or religious minorities; liberals; communists; socialists, terrorists, etc.

4. Supremacy of the Military: Even when there are widespread domestic problems, the military is given a disproportionate amount of government funding, and the domestic agenda is neglected. Soldiers and military service is glamourised.

5. Rampant Sexism: the governments of fascist nations tend be almost exclusively male dominated. Under fascist regimes, traditional gender roles are made more rigid. Divorce, abortion and homosexuality are suppressed and the state is represented as the ultimate guardian of the family institution.

6. Controlled Mass Media: sometimes the media is directly controlled by the government, but in other cases the media is indirectly controlled by government regulation, or sympathetic media spokespeople and executives. Censorship, especially in war time, is very common.

7. Obsession with National Security: fear is used as a motivational tool by the government over the masses.

8. Religion and Government are Intertwined: governments in fascist nations tend to use the most common religion in the nation as a tool to manipulate public opinion. Religious rhetoric and terminology is common from government leaders, even when the major tenets of the religion are diametrically opposed to the government’s policies or actions.

9. Corporate Power is Protected: the industrial and business aristocracy of a fascist nation often are the ones who put the government leaders into power, creating a mutually beneficial business/government relationship and power elite.

10. Labour Power is Suppressed: because the organising power of labour is the only real threat to a fascist government, labour unions are either eliminated entirely, or are severely suppressed.

11. Disdain for Intellectuals and the Arts: fascist nations tend to promote and tolerate open hostility to higher education, and academia. It is not uncommon for professors and other academics to be censored or even arrested. Free expression in the arts and letters is openly attacked.

12. Obsession with Crime and Punishment: under fascist regimes, the police are given almost limitless power to enforce laws. The people are often willing to overlook police abuses and even forego civil liberties in the name of patriotism. There is often a national police force with virtually unlimited power in fascist nations.

13. Rampant Cronyism and Corruption: fascist regimes almost always are governed by groups of friends and associates who appoint each other to government positions and use governmental power and authority to protect their friends from accountability. It is not uncommon in fascist regimes for national resources and even treasures to be appropriated or even outright stolen by government leaders.

14. Fraudulent Elections: sometimes elections in fascist nations are a complete sham. Other times elections are manipulated by smear campaigns against or even assassination of opposition candidates, use of legislation to control voting numbers or political district boundaries, and manipulation of the media. Fascist nations also typically use their judiciaries to manipulate or control elections.

In relation to Australia we can immediately rule out 1 (although even here there is the false mantra that refugees are illegal) 11, 13, and 14. And with 4, 6, and 8 there are identifiable elements but not the whole.

But the rest 2, 3, 5, 7, 9, 10, and 12, half, are certainly present in the current federal government rhetoric and behaviour. And if you add elements of 4, 6 and 8, there is a strong shift to the right with a sense of an essence of fascism pervading.

In the current federal government there is:
– a complete disdain for human rights (treatment of indigenous communities, gay people, people who need welfare support payments, disability pensioners, refugees);
– they have manipulated the population by identifying an enemy and scapegoats (“terrorists”, Muslims, refugees);
– the military is not supreme but it is being utilised for civilian purposes, therefore it has been elevated (customs and border control, the indigenous intervention); there is sexism (as demonstrated by Abbott, Pyne and Bernadi among others), and to add – Umberto Eco writes that fascism thrives on creating fear over difference;
– there is a sense of control by cronyism with media, and there is censorship in regard to the refugees coming by boat;
– there is an obsession (pathological) with national security;
– religion is not intertwined but members of the government use their religious affiliation as a bargaining point and they use religious rhetoric to push agendas (Bernadi on the traditional family – whatever that was or is);
– corporate power is definitely protected, even exclusively with environmental considerations, workers rights, and community needs overlooked;
– the corollary is that labour power is suppressed by legislative means;
– there is an unmitigated obsession with crime and punishment (this would be more true of State rather than Federal government but it is present in both).

Umberto Eco makes the point that the very first appeal of a fascist movement is the appeal against the intruders (find a scapegoat and you control a large portion of the voting public).

So is Australia Fascist, well no, not in the historical sense of 1920 or 1933, but there is an alarming trend towards fascist methodology (whether overtly or otherwise) and there is a trend towards corporate control, which is a move away from the rights of groups and individuals, and there is a disregard for our international treaty obligations. The government clearly uses manipulation of the population as to be judged by the government rhetoric that is parroted back on talk back radio by the public often couched in fear ( the refugees would be the clear issue here). There is a disdain for the environment too. And in the proposed education review there is a desire by the education minister to go back in time in terms of how we present contemporary history, labour history, indigenous history, international history (it was Herman Goerring who liked the phrase “when I hear the word culture I reach for my gun”).

The fourteen points demonstrate that what is at stake is freedom, language, history, culture, national identity, and human rights. Fascism is an attitude, albeit a political one, but one that pervades the way governments think and behave.

With seven of the fourteen points by Britt recognisable in current government action and rhetoric there should be more concern in the community about our identity as a nation and therefore our future as a nation. Umberto Eco puts it well when he says “Ur-Fascism is still around us, sometimes in plain clothes.”

Bibliography:
Giorgio Agamben. ‘Homo Sacer Sovereign Power and Bare Life’ California, Stanford, 1998
Giorgio Agamben. ‘State of Exception’ Chicago, Chicago Press, 2005
Hanna Arendt ‘The Origins Of Totalitarianism’ Florida, Harcourt, 1968
Umberto Eco. ‘Eternal Fascism: Fourteen Ways of Looking at a Blackshirt’ New York Review of Books, 1995, pp. 12 – 15.
Roger Griffin. ‘The Nature of Fascism’ Oxon, Routledge, 1993

This article was first published on Paul’s blog Parallax and reproduced with permission.

Australia Cannot Afford the Coalition

This isn’t an article about economics. This is an article about something far more precious: Culture.

Australia is losing the best parts of itself and at the speed, this slide is happening we’re going to be culturally bankrupt before we get a chance to save the farm.

Things started to go bad during the Howard years. Australia’s most reactionary leader and government sought to unravel the fabric of the social reforms of the Whitlam era, particularly in regard to the rights of women, whose proper station in life had clearly been forgotten.

What he couldn’t achieve in that specific respect he made up for with his own ideas on how to reverse the progressive trend of the Nation’s growth pattern.

He took our famed and admittedly somewhat exaggerated “egalitarianism” and thoroughly trashed it with middle-class welfare programs.

He is the progenitor of the modern illness of a sense of entitlement amongst the not-so-badly-off classes. He is the force behind the demonisation of people seeking asylum in this country.

He took the long-standing and genuine humanitarian impulses of thinking Australians – from all parts of the political spectrum – and threw them into the frothy wake of a ship called Tampa.

He took the children of moral decency and reason and threw them overboard like so much burly and watched the sharks of racism circle.

He ignited the anxieties of the more conservative and insecure elements of our society with jingoistic rhetoric about border control and who should and should not come to this country.

He openly and brazenly traded in fear and loathing.

It wasn’t just desperate foreign people using desperate measures that he sought to demonise. He managed to do it to all sorts of Australians as well. 

First, it was single mothers, the perception of whom he changed to lazy sluts (with a lot of help from pathologically sanctimonious media types like Ray Martin).

Single mothers in the worst financial positions (getting little or no maintenance) received less GST compensation than any other families.

During this time single mothers were perceived as a threat to the institution of marriage itself.  Not merely symbolically, but quite literally, at least in Conservative terms. Fifties’ Conservatism.

Then there was the welfare class more generally. Howard gave life and breath to a deranged individual by the name of Pauline Hanson, whose single greatest contribution to Australian culture is the sickly pious and demented mentality of “downward envy” – envy and judgement directed at people who get something that you don’t, even if they have nothing in the first place, or as one analyst put it, “The unhealthy desires of some people to ensure that anyone they deem to be lower on the social and economic scale than themselves, stays there.”

The Liberals let Pauline go soon enough, only to enthusiastically embrace the worst characteristics of her social policy and sell them wholesale to a public keen for a cheap deal.

Howard also allowed greedy, profiteering insurance companies all across this country to make it nigh on impossible for community groups to continue with publicly staged events.

Fairs, fetes, festivals, concerts and markets closed down all across the land. Many have never returned. This particular loss to Australian culture is still being felt today.

Far too little has been made of it. It is a hugely significant matter to communities everywhere because it is precisely these sorts of events that make communities; these are the things that bind and unite.

Howard’s complete inaction with respect to insurance company profiteering was nothing less than cultural vandalism. No effort was made to protect communities legislatively.

Then along came Kevin Rudd and a couple of moderate Coalition leaders and it seemed for a second that things might turn around a little.

But by this time Labor had shifted so far to the centre-right that nothing much was going to change. Some of us thought that at least we might have some respite from the cultural and spiritual decline. No such luck.

Tony Abbott and the Mainstream Media were soon on hand to ensure that no such respite was to be had. There was work to be done. There were institutions to sully, minds to manipulate and demons to exorcise.

If you thought the Howard years were an exercise in abject cynicism, you hadn’t seen anything yet.

Six years of incessant Opposition negativity, mendacity, manipulation, backed, promulgated and codified by a sycophantic media, has reduced this Nation’s heart and soul to a lump of cold, dark charcoal.

No-one can possibly engage in such scurrilous behaviour for an extended period of time and not expect that it will have social repercussions. Political apathy is a real problem in this country and it’s been made worse by the political environment of the last six years.

Labor is certainly not innocent in this, but their role is far less sinister than that of the Coalition and the Mainstream Media.

But lack of political engagement is not something any political party has to fear when the media is on your side. In fact, it’s in the interests of such a party to try and increase it. An ostensibly passive audience can be told most anything and have it be believed. 

You simply have to be the one in control of the message. The Coalition has offered the electorate what amounts to a policy vacuum and many have been sucked into it.

Over the last six years, the Coalition has debased the Parliament by their actions and behaviour within those very chambers. Labor’s leadership problems were unfortunate (and not entirely of their own making), but they had nothing to do with the Parliament or the Government per se.

They functioned perfectly well on the Government’s side of things despite the dramas happening in the Party Room. The tragedy is that the Coalition will not be punished in any way for their abject disregard for this Nation’s most significant institution.

The deep cognitive dissonance that has been engendered by a long and consistent campaign to demonise successive Labor Governments will likely be successful. They honestly think they are Pavlov and we are their dogs.

Sadly, the bell will toll for far too many Australian electors. Conservatives use demonisation at every turn. They know this taps into the worst parts of the Australian psyche and they don’t care – or perhaps more accurately don’t see it because that’s precisely the realm they inhabit themselves.

Like an emphysemic lung, the soul of the Nation has been gradually darkened by this mentality and the only available oxygen is laced with a toxic blend of Conservative Carbon and Murdoch Monoxide.

Political cynicism and passivity, a rampant sense of entitlement by those who have no cause to feel it, xenophobia, downward envy, loss of charity, loss of our egalitarian spirit, loss of sense of community, loss of trust in important institutions, loss of tolerance.

These are all facets of the cultural decline Australia has been suffering since the Howard Government. They are all consequences of the Conservative mentality.

It seemed for a moment in 2007 when the Nation flushed the Howard Government down the toilet we’d done so in a moment of genuine insight into what had befallen us.

It’s as though we woke up briefly, but have now returned to our default state of ‘somnambulance.’ At this election, we have the opportunity to slow the cultural slide or to add lubricant to it.

Be in no doubt, an Abbott led Coalition Government will be a return to the Howard brand. A Coalition loss would instead see a movement in their ranks to something more reasonable and moderate, with Malcolm Turnbull at the tiller.

Be in no doubt also that a vote for the Coalition will be a vote for nine months of political and policy chaos.

There is no chance that the Coalition can govern effectively given that the current make-up of the Senate does not change until July next year. The Greens have the balance of power in the Senate.

Just how much of the Coalition’s policy agenda is going to see the light of day? Are we headed for a full election of both houses early next year? The Coalition is certainly chest-beating about that prospect. I guess that’s part of their plan to Stop the Waste. 

Will Abbott instead back away from his policy agenda and tear up his “contract” with the Australian people? 

Will he indulge in the mammoth hypocrisy and contradiction of doing deals with the Greens? No-one knows. 

What we do know is one of those scenarios will unfold and nothing resembling stable governance will happen for the first nine long months of a Coalition Government.

By contrast, the re-election of the Labor Government will mean a neat segue from a static carbon price to a floating carbon price, and in most other respects, business as usual.

 

Like what we do at The AIMN?

You’ll like it even more knowing that your donation will help us to keep up the good fight.

Chuck in a few bucks and see just how far it goes!

Your contribution to help with the running costs of this site will be gratefully accepted.

You can donate through PayPal or credit card via the button below, or donate via bank transfer: BSB: 062500; A/c no: 10495969

Donate Button

Eyeless in Gaza: Some thoughts on an art world split

By Frances Goold  

‘Schwartz claims her role to be that of a “counterpoint” to that of the museum. “Within public spaces and museums there is an interrelation between the curator and the artist, but this is really the province of the artist. The gallery was founded on the principle of artists being able to do whatever they wanted to, with no constraints.”’ (Art & Design magazine, ‘Broadsheet’ interview; Anna Schwartz with Dan Rule, 2012).

‘Performance artists have often integrated the traumatic experiences of war into their art, placing themselves at the narcissistic centre of their work. This can be seen in the work of artists like Marina Abramović, Joseph Beuys, and the Vienna Actionist Arnulf Rainer, who influenced Parr. The strength of these performance artists is precisely this expansive narcissism which gives them the uninhibited self-confidence to go where no other is prepared to, even as they seem blinded to the pain of others. They subject their bodies and others’ social psyches to intense pressures, breaking taboos, engaging in myth making, connecting with spirits, or inducing altered states of consciousness. Performance art is in this way as much masochistic as it is sadistic.’ (Paris Lettau, Mike Parr: Sunset Claws, Part 3: Going Home).

‘It’s called Dirty Blanket because I don’t bother to use fixative on my quagmire of media and because of a story told by [the English paediatrician] Donald Winnicott that particularly resonates for me, about his five-year-old daughter’s peculiar attachment to a dirty blanket’. (Interview with Janet McKenzie, Studio International, April, 2023).

‘”It is a history painting of our time,” says leading Australian curator Juliana Engberg, the former Sydney Biennale and ACCA director. “A profound and perplexing work; a Babel; a blind scribe; an obliteration; a monstrous mess and huge mourning for a tragedy… It’s our Guernica.”’ (Virginia Trioli, ABC News, Dec 16, 2023)

1

If you’re hankering for freedom of expression, try being a top tier gallery artist without a contract.

In December last year, controversial performance artist Mike Parr (MP), was dropped by his long-term gallerist/dealer, Anna Schwartz (AS), for a blind-painting performance piece on December 2, critical of the Israeli-Hamas war.

After thirty-six years the marriage was over: MP was instructed to vacate the gallery at the end of the show, though at his request was given an extension by AS from end-December to March to remove all artworks/archives from the premises.

The offending piece that brought to a close their professional association was the final ‘iteration’ of a 3-part performance work titled, Sunset Claws (Going Home) at the Anna Schwartz Gallery (ASG) in Melbourne. Here, MP, his eyes closed and in a somnabulistic state for several hours, painted words and phrases from texts extracted from the London Review of Books and other progressive media sources on the gallery wall as read aloud to him by an assistant. He then ‘blind-painted’ patches of blood red paint, then silhouettes of horses in black over the ‘palimpsests’.

MP’s December performance concluded prior to the publication by The New York Times (NYT) of independent reports confirming atrocities committed by Hamas terrorists during its surprise attack on Israel on October 7; these documented witness accounts of brutal rapes and murders of women and the slaughter of children, varying accounts of which had been reported by Israel immediately after the attack, and subsequently described as the single greatest terror attack since the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948.

The NYT evidence-based reports have contributed to growing international outrage over alleged atrocities committed by both belligerents and by what is being regarded as the complicity of the US in a humanitarian crisis by supplying arms to its ally, and its veto of an UN resolution for a humanitarian cease-fire on December 10.

Inevitably perhaps, there has been a backlash against mainly peaceful international protests including across migrant communities and diasporas. This has taken the form of widespread censorship and de-platforming of ‘antisemitic’ and ‘pro-Palestinian’ academics and arts bureaucrats, which have drawn the ire of artists of all stripes, creeds, and nationalities who continue to protest against the Israel-Hamas war and Israel’s “disproportionate” bombing and siege of Gaza, and to call for a ceasefire.

Such was the fraught context of the breakdown of relations between AS and MP, a nadir seemingly at once personal and emblematic.

2

Nationalistic rhetoric with its simplistic, reductive dichotomies provides fertile ground for bigotry and intolerance, and can enable the spread of politically motivated dis/misinformation that foments racist vilification, social divisiveness and even civil discord. Polarising discourses promote misunderstanding and sow division where clarity and rigour might furthermore rational debate and better understanding.

It can often seem easier to take sides in favour of populist, covertly racist stereotypes put about by right-wing political interests (as the shameful failure of our Voice referendum tragically demonstrated) than to search deeper for facts and truth. That one may not actually ‘take sides’ yet protest the inhumane cruelties of the Israel-Hamas war in rational debate at times seems hardly possible.

Frequent outbreaks of hostilities in a seemingly endless war between the combatants – the most recent in 2021 – has only increased perceptions that the historical causes and complexities of the current Israel-Hamas war are virtually impenetrable to anyone but seasoned observers. The rapid escalation and horrors of this war have confounded attempts to deconstruct its dynamics or talk sensibly about it without somehow poking the racism bogey, or firing up accusations of racism where it doesn’t exist. This in turn diminishes the significance of the genuine distress underpinning world-wide protests by both Palestinians and Jewish diasporas calling for a humanitarian ceasefire (if not a negotiated peace and/or two-state solution, or whatever may avert further bloodshed and a dangerous escalation), contributing to the demonisation of those protesting the war as if they are somehow themselves combatants.

To complicate matters is a growing sense that Netanyahu’s Israel has been elevated to a moral realm beyond ordinary discourse, where no corruption, no crime against humanity, no extremism is possible that cannot be couched in righteous terms. The acts of “unspeakable savagery” perpetrated by Hamas terrorists on October 7 are repeatedly invoked to vindicate what is now being alleged to be not merely a disproportionate military retaliation but an annihilating strategy by Israel that is inflicting immeasurable suffering upon Palestinian civilians.

Further obstructing and clouding debate is the frequent conflation of the Jewish people (of both Israel and the diaspora) with Zionism, and the Palestinians with Hamas, which derides any critique of the Israeli government’s response to the terrorist attack (as “disproportionate”, for example) as antisemitic. By extension, any show of support for the Palestinian people is depicted as pro-Hamas and therefore an endorsement of Hamas terrorism. Thus, while antisemitism may be on the rise in Australia and elsewhere, this does not mean that it is ubiquitous, and it may be critical for accurate reportage and reasoned debate on the current war that political/ideological distinctions pertaining to the war and its history can be properly clarified.

It is critical for many reasons, but most significantly due to the fact that the present hostilities constitute the fifth war of the Gaza–Israel conflict, part of the broader Israeli–Palestinian conflict, and the fact that international observers are now concerned about an escalation beyond the region. As a formal ally of the US, Australia is potentially implicated.

Underpinning the geopolitics, however, are daily reports of the atrocities of the war.

Harrowing images of dead, wounded, shell-shocked, displaced, and orphaned Palestinian children loom out of the human carnage and apocalyptic ruins. For people everywhere, these images are unbearable, unthinkable, unspeakable. Distress is universal as anger, grief, and outrage trigger demonstrations around the globe.

They say all’s fair in love and war, but the rules of war are long gone. There are no more battlefields, just pulverised countries riven by war. The children of Gaza have become ‘collateral damage’ in the indiscriminate deployment, among other ordnance, of ‘dumb’ bombs – a psychopathically detached, neutralised method of mass slaughter and now, allegedly, genocide.

For MP, viscerally attuned to the plight of children and the ‘blind eye’, and philosophically committed to the power of protest art to render the invisible visible and utter the unutterable, there could be no skirting round the facts received or ditching of his political-artistic commitment to the third part of his performance trilogy, Going Home, which would draw together various fragments of the world’s commentary on a bloody, terminal war under the aegis of the ASG.

After saying to AS, “I do not want to hurt you”, MP then pressed on with his grueling blind protest, a word-salad of textual fragments inscribed on the gallery wall. He then proceeded to paint over the texts with blood red paint and black figures redolent of the horsemen of the apocalypse and, perhaps, Picasso’s Guernica.

3

 

Anna Schwartz with Katharina Grosse’s The Horse Trotted Another Couple of Metres, Then It Stopped at Carriageworks and Anna Schwartz Gallery. (Photographer unknown)

 

The private spat between MP and AS quickly became public, with AS declaring in RN’s Patricia Karvelas (PK):

“I can’t work with an artist who’s prepared to hurt me to that degree and to insult my culture and my lived experience, and the generations that came before me who have suffered and have been annihilated. As in the case of other artists, I have provided a neutral platform and support for whatever their statements have been. I don’t mediate the exhibitions, I don’t create them.”

In a statement to the Guardian AS said she had ended her association with Parr due to a “serious breach of trust and difference of values”. She added, “I was sickened by the hate graffiti inscribed on the wall, however I in no way intervened nor censored Sunset Claws, as the full-length video of the performance, still playing in the gallery, will attest… I have always acted in the interest of the artists represented by the gallery and this is the only time an artist has breached my principles of anti-racism.”

As AS has stated elsewhere, there are no artist-dealer contracts and no constraints upon the speech freedoms of an artist in the ASG stable. So, one might wonder what ‘anti-racist’ principle has been breached in the absence of an explicit agreement or memorandum. Or is it that speech freedoms are mere casual cultural artifacts of the fashionable contemporary gallery scene?

How is it possible that after a such and enduring professional/personal relationship, AS deemed it right and just to terminate the artist for his ‘antisemitic’ views, as if he were plagiarising his sources?

Given the consistent thread of political protest throughout MP’s performance art – which on many occasions test the limits of his own physical endurance in symbolic depictions of man’s inhumanity to man (such as specific performance pieces interrogating the brutality of refugee detentions and referencing the Holocaust) – it surely could not be totally unexpected that MP might wish to wail upon her gallery wall against the Israel-Hamas war.

Why would AS represent an artist she did not consider worthy of backing in the first place? One might now wonder whether it was the art or the notoriety of the artist that was the overriding commercial value. Were these dimensions of MP’s oeuvre merely juggled until an international crisis marked down the notoriety value?

Then there is the issue of censorship.

Perhaps for many traumatised Holocaust survivors, their descendants, and the diaspora, no one can ever know their truth or how they feel. For MP, AS’s response was “disproportionate and totalising“. For Anna, MP’s performance piece was an antisemitic “betrayal”. But in dispensing with civilities, hostilities move closer to the surface, with an outbreak of censorship only a misfire or two away.

Closing ranks with righteous certainty and battening down to a place where truth is both subjective and relative, may simply be natural and instinctive under perceived threat. Here, moral exceptionalism is enabled by the unassailable historical truth of the Holocaust, now invoked to suggest that to criticize Netanyau’s government is to deny the Holocaust, and thus constitutes anti-semitism.

But these are not views universally held among the Jewish diaspora and many are speaking out against Israeli’s prosecution of the war.

Louise Adler (LA, publisher, board member and currently Director of Adelaide Writers’ Week) – who was oddly vocal if not vociferous in her unalloyed support for Henson’s right to pose and photograph pubescents back in the day – has more recently reconfigured her libertarian values to redraw a line in the sand regarding the right to protest the war after three actors in the Sydney Theatre Company’s new production of Chekov’s The Seagull wore the keffiyeh during a curtain call, sparking condemnation from members of the Jewish community, resignations from the STC board, and the withdrawal of donor support.

Adler – who studied under Edward Said – also emphasised the distinctions between Hamas and the Palestinians and between Zionism and non-Zionist Israeli Jews and the diaspora; she repudiated the war as prosecuted by Israel as being “not in my name” and did so from a place of heartfelt authority – indeed so movingly heartfelt it might just forgive past naiveties vis a vis other species of crime against the bodies and souls of children.

Somewhat akin to Australia’s lack of a bill of rights, the notion of the ‘stable artist’ as artistically and creatively autonomous is equally a matter of shifting interpretation; artists’ ‘independence’ is more theoretical than actual in the commercial sense, given their dependence upon the agent to promote and sell their work. The dealer represents artists rather than the converse: their ideas as expressed by them or the content of the artworks made by them (conceptual, performative or otherwise), are – as AS states – not her own.

Without the protection of an artist’s contract, it becomes an issue of integrity for an artist’s representative to stand by a stable artist who may express a view contrary to their own, even if it is perceived as racist, offensive, and a personally wounding affront. Holding back in favour of dialogue might militate against the confusion that is now caused by the conflation of anti-Zionism with antisemitism, and allow for breathing space, instead of censorship and exclusion.

Instead, one can only conclude that the volte face by AS was both a narcissistic statement of power and an acting-in.

By retaining the work but severing its maker from it prematurely, AS foreclosed on fairness and performed both an amputation and a silencing.

And with this boundary violation, something very small town was being repeated.

4

 

FU: Untitled, 1983/1984

 

Meanwhile, back at the ranch the other half of the Schwartz power duo, centre-left publisher and property developer, Morry Schwartz (MS), recently announced he was standing down as CEO of Schwartz Media and handing over the reins to his editor-in-chief, Erik Jensen (EJ, author and journalist and friend of MP, who somewhat conflictually, took notes as an invited witness of the December 2 performance).

MS also recently sold off The Monthly’s The Politics, apparently looking forward to a well-deserved semi-retirement removed from the pressures of the double-standards and contradictions that often intrude upon moral certitudes.

It’s been hectic also for the extended family; MS’s corporate wind-down began in 2017 when he divested his property development interests pending a damages case against his stepdaughter’s architecture firm, Elenberg Fraser (among other defendants), for a blaze at the Lacrosse apartment building in Melbourne’s Docklands in 2014, started by a cigarette and accelerated by the tower’s external cladding. In 2019 the Victorian Civil and Administrative Tribunal ruled that the architect was proportionately liable for damages.

Whilst perhaps a minor reputational shock the damages would not have made much of a dent, given the family consortium-backed architecture firm’s partners. Zahava Elenberg (ZE) had by then scaled to lofty heights after a brief pre-pubescent digression posing as a gormless foil for the less privileged subjects of Fave Uncle’s (FU) more ghoulish child debauches.

Claiming the moral high ground in matters regarding freedom of expression can be a fraught exercise when it comes to the ties that bind and whose children matter most, however. No doubt back in the day AS baulked for a nanosecond at the prospect of her pre-teen posing naked for FU, or maybe her attention was elsewhere when the vernissage revealed the embedment of her daughter’s portrait within the sociopathic depredations of FU’s Junkies series – a degrading assemblage, if ever there was one, of naked and blood-smeared heroin-addicted youths lured into posing for one of FU’s grandiose profanations. (So coincidentally chiaroscuro are ZE’s images that one might think the the child was actually present at this squalid, ‘ethnographic’ photoshoot rather than inserted post-production).

While not the focus of the culture war ignited by her coyly unclad age-peer more than twenty years later, ZE’s youthful Untitled,1983-84 outing lent cachet and authority to a quick public character reference for FU (also during a pending investigation) which stylishly dovetailed with FU’s cringeworthy Credo published a mere month later by the Schwartz Media flagship (oh, how promptly and efficiently do the rich get stuff sorted!).

Narrowly unprosecuted and undaunted, FU and freedom-fighting, Jordan Peterson admirer has since pressed on with bigger and better things, notably the publication of previously unpublished plankton from his notorious Untitled, 2007/08 exhibition.

And one is left to conclude that in the parallel moral universe of the art world there are no limits to the speech freedoms of a stable artist, art photographer colleague, or favourite uncle who engages in the grooming, photography and sale of pubescent nudes for cashed-up investors. Being a slimebag is good for the bottom line as it were, a win-win. With the aid of a couple of crafty lawyers, FU presses on to greater glories, the barely legal girls vamoose, and the rivers of gold start flowing again.

Yet when it comes to a disturbing performance art piece rolling out a synthesis of political views inimical to the gallerist’s own, an invisible sacred boundary has been violated and an authentic artist is unceremonially dumped.

As AS said to PK, it was as if the words had been inscribed on her body.

5

 

Mike Parr blind painting Going Home, December 2, 2023. (Photograph: Zan Wimberley)

 

Aesthetic transgression is a shibboleth of the avant-garde. It is underpinned by the liberal and progressive traditions of free speech and expression as inalienable rights. Yet only a couple of letters distinguish aesthetics from ethics when it comes to transgression, leaving the issue of how to negotiate ethical boundaries to the priorities of the market and in-house lawyers.

Absolute freedom is the narcissistic antithesis of responsibility, the dream of every helpless, constrained, greedy child. Asserting it can feel liberating, spacious, and powerful, but at some inevitable point the other (reality), from whom something vital has been taken, intervenes. The corporate art world is at the teat of free market capitalism, whose interests alone will determine what constitutes free speech. As such the art world is fundamentally self-interested, such that the idea of it occupying the moral high ground in any sphere is simply risible.

Be that as it may, the content of conceptual or political/performance art, whether it is a ‘Piss Christ‘ that deeply offends Christians or a performance piece critical of Israel’s prosecution of the war, adjudicating their moral essence is not the remit of the gallerist-dealer who has chosen to represent the artist and the artist’s creative independence and autonomy. Disputes are usually matters to be dealt with in consultation with the parties and stakeholders and, if necessary, via formal processes of mediation.

In this particular instance, however, AS autocratically terminated her professional relationship with MP for personal reasons: her rationale in defence that “it was not censorship”, was based on the fact that she permitted the painting and video documentation to remain in the gallery for the duration of the show – effectively a clever ruse and means of both censoring and not censoring, of pleasing everyone and no one.

During her interview with PK, AS detailed the abuse she suffered “for what I did”, and the congratulatory messages she also received, as if she – an independently wealthy art-dealer with no foreseeable threats to her livelihood or financial position – were some absurdist hero of a melodrama about speaking truth to power. The mundane reality is that the final decision-making power ultimately resides in AS as the agent/owner of the business, a power she invoked for personal reasons.

AS also said that MP infringed her principles of anti-racism. MP said that he discussed the general gist of the performance with her prior to the show before she gave him the go-ahead, and reasserted to PK that the performance piece was an anti-Zionist critique of Israel’s prosecution of the war. He was emphatic he could never condone the terrorist attack on Israel by Hamas, and further claimed that by excluding him from the Gallery, the complexity of his performance had been obliterated by AS, and that she had ‘disappeared my performance’ – an equally absurdist allusion to authoritarian regimes of rogue states.

That AS feels betrayed cannot be doubted. Yet some deeper reflection prior to acting may have revealed that the random elements of MP’s performance piece were also sourced from opinions and positions taken by Jewish people who have been advocating for civil rights, and economic and political freedom for the Palestinian people for decades.

Whilst MP, courtesy his own boundaries-pushing, transgressive, performative style may have set himself up for AS’s coup de grace, AS’s dumping of MP took their disagreement beyond the gallery and onto the street – where an unseemly pub fight continued. In that moment, AS swapped her role as agent for that of participant in MP’s performance piece, entering into the performative narrative and the psychodynamic/emotional action.

In retrospect, it appears that both MP and AS have, in the heat of misunderstanding and mutual triggering, regressed to the irrational impasse that is emblematic of the ideological clashes and misprisions regarding the Israel-Hamas war occurring elsewhere. Their disagreement also reveals that the idea that equitability can be preserved in a nebulous, unorthodox commercial relationship where no contract obtains between the parties is wishful thinking.

Thus, in classic libertarian style, by her dismissal of him AS has asserted that the range and scope of MP’s free speech under her aegis is for her to decide. The degree of his artistic freedom is entirely in her hands. The reasons given are personal, final, and non-negotiable.

In her interviews with AS and MP respectively, MK came across as the kindly referee between two upset and squabbling children, both equally responsible for the outcome of what seems like a long and difficult history of professional boundary ambiguities incapable of sustaining the greatest test of all.

One can only wonder if their contretemps is emblematic of the miserable impasses of the larger war.

6

Mike Parr, One of 26 Untitled Self Portraits. Pencil on typing paper. (Photo: Fenn Hinchcliffe).

“Father figures were always going to be an ambivalent inheritance. Controversial performances were accompanied by a massive sense of release right from the beginning. I’d discovered the power of acting out, but of course the problem of meaning remained, but that, for me, was, and is, essentially a cultural problem.” (Interview with Janet Mackenzie, Studio International, April 2023).

“I could always talk to [Anna] about my projects … she was always able to speak very supportively and give me the moral support that I needed to go on as an artist and I miss that.” (Interview with Patricia Karvelas, RN, December 2023).

Like his ground-breaking predecessor, Joseph Beuys (JB) before him, MP has directed his creative impulses and sublimated his traumatic experiences into interrogating authoritarianism and the tyranny of aestheticism, opting for a conceptual art that utilises aleatory elements in sometimes brutally confronting, durational pieces. He utilises performance as an intelligible, albeit metaphoric/symbolic, critique of power. His deconstruction of traditional portraiture, for example, is a monumental critique not only of the self-deception implied by the form but portraiture as an occasional emblem of an aggrandizing, imperialist culture. His radical interpretations of the self-portrait are movingly crafted crusades for private and public acceptance that function linguistically despite self-inflicted tortures symbolically re-enacted and the relentless physical demands of his political protest pieces.

There is no doubting the authenticity of MP’s commitment to political performance art. Whilst he might easily pretend to the sublime, he chooses to preserve the conditions for it. He puts his money where his mouth is and occasionally a sewing needle. He is an old-fashioned pacifist of sorts, who has been in a shadow-play war with the destroyers, the killers, the maimers, the crushers, and the autocrats of the world and probably, occasionally, with himself.

Though a master draughtsman and printmaker, performance is his signature metier, which he has perhaps not only utilised to contend with his private demons but to inveigle rigid externalities into entering and confronting his immersive, shamanistic rituals of psychic disinterment. Though also a fixer and repairer, he surgically disassembles and deconstructs to the point of evisceration then reassembles the pieces in aleatory fashion. He seeks acknowledgement, engagement, tolerance, dialogue, responsibility and understanding – less for himself in some narcissistic sense than for a world in denial, a world that turns away, whose gaze is averted from the truth.

MP is also something of a chameleon, highly defended against categorisation and the constraints and limits of completions and conclusions. He submerges himself in complexity and “involution” as if to properly observe and conceptually investigate a particular thing he must enter into its quintessential existence to the limits of possibility and endurance; if he is to have mastery over the world, he must pit himself against it, for mastery over pain frequently subject himself to it, and if he is to think creatively, he must “invoke limit states”.

This is a defensive process in and of itself, in being a means of control over an unpredictable, insouciant, and sometimes savage world. People often turn out not to be who they say they are. At the same time, it is a compassionate and altruistic vocation dedicated to universal understanding.

Perhaps most significantly, having had to deal with difference from birth, MP understands pain, repeatedly reacquainting himself with it and taking himself to his psychophysiological limits in re-enactments of various kinds via his performance art. His is no idle choice of métier but one of patent destiny, as it was for the war-traumatised Joseph Beuys before him, who admired artists and scientists conscious of their position in society and who work accordingly. Beuys also saw his performance art as shamanistic and psychoanalytic to both educate and heal the general public (op cit).

Psychoanalysis and the unconscious have therefore been core preoccupations of MP’s oeuvre more or less from the start, likely influenced by American psychoanalytic hybrids and therapeutic fads permeating the pop cultures of the ‘seventies and ‘eighties which may – as often happened – have prompted more serious personal investigations.

He understands what it means to be a child, to be not quite whole, to be mutilated and wounded in some way, over and over – as if living in some kind of eternal dialogue with the psychiatrist who was supposed to listen and help but who arbitrarily dismissed the pictures and writings of a wounded boy.

That MP’s proscriptions against rescue or intervention by the other during a performance are a method of dismantling defences against hearing and seeing and preventing instinctive recourses to silence and silencing. Now through his performative staring down of an eternal, biblical war, MP has again seized the epiphanic moment that occasionally accompanies traumatic breakdown. He feels it viscerally and can empathise with the suffering of others, and via Going Home he wants to draw us into unbearable interiority with him.

Nonetheless MP’s performance commitment is not merely personally therapeutic but comprises a radical moral polemics that has developed and materialised via a long and arduous apprenticeship in various media through which he symbolically deconstructs his psychological defences to reveal the heart of a universal issue as he apprehends it. The ‘gaze’ is inward, yet in the process MP challenges his audience to stare down with him to a point of engagement with an emotionally harrowing yet potentially consciousness-raising experience.

No matter MP’s capacity for endurance, however, AS had reached the limits of her tolerance. Art institutions and blue-chip investors rely on her judgment, and she has exercised her prerogative to terminate the relationship, unfairly or not. She is no Voltaire. This is business. Donors and patrons are pulling out of the STC.

Thus, whilst claiming she stands by her artists’ right to freedom of expression little will be surrendered to principle come crunchtime: Sunset Claws, Part 3: Going Home was a bridge too far for AS, who knows precisely where to draw the line when it comes to speech freedoms and censorship. The artist is expendable.

For better or worse, MP entrusted himself to a libertarian arts and letters milieu where, ironically, the predatory confections supplied by UB to a voracious investment market proceeded contemporaneously with his performative political critiques housed within the ASG stable under auspices of the Schwartz family empire.

That this particular decision was entirely subjective was revealed by the very act of dismissal. By sacking the artist yet retaining the work, AS effectively repudiated every core principle and artist statement pertaining to MP’s oeuvre.

As Jacqueline Rose remarked of Guterres, ‘A mere whiff of understanding, and he was condemned.’

7

Mike Parr blind painting Going Home, December 2, 2023. (Photograph: Zan Wimberley)

If one can dragoon the viewer into radical attentional focus on the unbearable, on the monstrous, on the visceral, one is making a bid to conquer the defensive disengagement of those once charged with a natural duty to shoulder a child’s pain, to comfort, and find a pathway through. A traumatised returned soldier-father who has difficulties breathing when food is put in front of him and who, as a soldier/survivor, has likely witnessed the mutilated bodies of the dead, is in his defensive remoteness incapable of holding this child, nor is a mother barely able to manage the parlous situation in which she finds herself.

A less harried and ‘stable’ arty mother, however, might be just the ticket. MP might be assured of a well-connected art world matriarch’s financial robustness, aesthetic sensibilities and commitment, as well as her presumed understanding of what it means to be a performance artist.

Secure in the ‘container’, one may freely push, express, and test with impunity until maturation demands greater space and freedom, and reality – often representing a nonplussed world incapable of understanding – reinstates itself.

Perhaps MP has forged a compromise between surrender to an actual, dyadic psychoanalytic/therapeutic process – about which he must be understandably ambivalent – and remaining vigilant against its wobbly unpredictability. By deploying his own version of the cathartic method once postulated to a provide a direct encounter with unconscious material, he can open a few valves whilst assuming dual roles of analyst and analysand. He has adapted a sublimatory method by means of his performance art that incorporates a pseudo therapeutic process to suit the psychic requirements of absolute control over an unpredictable world, yet within it lies the means whereby he can occasionally relinquish control to others whose reliability and trustworthiness have been tried and tested established over time.

MP has demonstrated his willingness to submit himself to what might otherwise be described as masochistic procedures of self-mutilation as if – as might be interpreted in the analytic setting – needing to test his capacity for endurance, thereby having physical pain standing in for emotional pain and suffering, and as a fantasy curative. But it is also protest and pedagogy.

MP occupies the border between aesthetics and ethics, a liminal zone which co-opts the visual tradition to coerce or coax from the viewer something beyond perceptual/sensual/aesthetic gratification. But here also lie the invisible threads the ‘compulsion to repeat’, a deeply unconscious, phenomenal process that triggers re-enactments of traumatic scenes in their turn requiring fresh rounds of defensive management. And alongside these psychic complexities are tendencies to unconscious identifications with the wounded, burgled, bullied, and silenced of the world that constitute the performative activism of an artist who for decades has been primally screaming for the world to wake up.

Thus, there is no sense in which MP cannot identify with the plight of a mutilated child, whether at the hands of Hamas terrorists or an army following orders. He understands how words can interfere with the truth, be misinterpreted and misconstrued. He removes words and phrases from the distant obscurity of their textual homes, speakers and writers, and inscribes them blindly on a gallery wall, symbolically removing himself as the creator of the texts whilst remaining the somnambulistic disseminator of their fragmentary meanings.

Perhaps with this unhappy denouement MP is evincing a final separation: where, in Dirty Blanket, he was grieving the loss of his brother he is now, in Going Home, finally farewelling a mother.

What kind of mother, however, remains an open question.

 

Like what we do at The AIMN?

You’ll like it even more knowing that your donation will help us to keep up the good fight.

Chuck in a few bucks and see just how far it goes!

Your contribution to help with the running costs of this site will be gratefully accepted.

You can donate through PayPal or credit card via the button below, or donate via bank transfer: BSB: 062500; A/c no: 10495969

Donate Button

Number 4 for 2023: A farce only a monster could love

We continue the countdown to our Top 5 most viewed articles in 2023. Number 4 goes to Grumpy Geezer for this piece from October:

A farce only a monster could love

* * * * *

The ‘No’ campaign and the Trumpifaction of the tinpotato

It has been said that Donald Trump appealed to many millions of Americans because he gave them permission to be the very worst of what they always were. In a divided and acrimonious USA a scandal-weary public has become numbed to the orange Trumplethinskin’s outrages, while others have gleefully embraced them.

The botoxed, duck-lipped Fox News Barbies, the goateed ammosexuals, the evangelical god fodder, antisemites, trailer trash and white supremacists, the defiantly ignorant oicks, evolutionary dead-enders, low information, chuckleheaded moon units, the proto-nazi authoritarians and the kooks and goons admire his cruelty. They like the hideous aspects of his character. An increasingly desperate Trump may be headed to prison but Trumpism lives on in the GOP. He has normalised the nasty.

“MAGA voters won’t change. They’re in a statist, authoritarian cult driven by racial animus, lurid conspiracy twaddle, and a corrupt media-entertainment outrage complex that has conditioned them to constant outrage with a steady drip of agitprop.” (Rick Wilson – American political strategist and former member of the Republican Party).

Meanwhile here in Oz, Trumpism hasn’t just infiltrated the L/NP it has been embraced by them.

P. Duddy and the biggest collection of halfwits and felons to ever pollute the political discourse of this country have, through their successful sabotage of the Voice referendum, established the template for their future behaviour – imported American culture wars (“the woke agenda”, “the radical left”, undefined “elites”, whatever “other” scapegoat du jour comes in handy), outrage politics, manufactured grievance and the deployment of an overflowing Trumpian swill bucket of lies and distortions. And season that with some of Spud’s not so secret sauce – good ol’ Howardesque racism.

Pulling out all stops to destroy the Yes campaign for purely political purposes as they always intended and then blame Labor for its failure is Trumpian in its chutzpah – peeing through our letter box then ringing the doorbell to ask us how far it went¹. Coached by apparatchiks from the US Republican party with its capacity for excess and extremism the Spud has taken to GOP perfidy as a supplement to his natural FUD instincts and his ‘oppose everything’ Mad Abbott-redux mendacity. The Voice referendum saw Spud’s Trumpy play – field testing the efficacy of blatant falsehoods where truth becomes meaningless, his lies, one after another, his hole-in-the-bucket pretext for ever more details “flooding the zone with shit” and denying space for challenges to his deceit while directing resentment at some manufactured grievance all while going unchallenged by a lazy or complicit media.

To further his own base ambitions Herr Shickltuber has shown he will abandon truth as a foundational principle of a functional democracy. Remember, this guy is so appalling the Tories chose the fabulist Skiddy Morrison over him. He’s less popular than herpes but as with the American’s Tangerine Man he’s now tapped into the worst in us via his Voice duplicity, one element of which is the anti-elitist from the Chairman’s Lounge and the Tories’s tame aborigine who gave the racists permission to openly piss into the hand generously offered by indigenous Australians. “A weaponised conservative woman who can say things out loud that white conservatives haven’t dared to say since the early 1960s²” Jacinta Nampijinpa Price gave Spud his “some of my best friends are Aborigines” cover for kicking our First Peoples when they are down.

While we in Oz have our share of the comfortably dumb, window lickers, frank spankers and people whose faces are too small for their heads are we not immune to the American’s port-a-loo in a cyclone Trumpism? We flatter ourselves that we’re more egalitarian, we’re the land of the fair go, we’re fair dinkum rugged individuals who can think for ourselves and who look after our mates. As the ‘Yes’ option in the Voice referendum got torched we were rudely awakened to what a load of old flannel that self-image is. Could it be that instead we’re a nation of timorous Chicken Littles who in 1999 declined the opportunity to put our big boy pants on and become a republic? Frightened, nay-saying, gullible, gormless dullards, wilfully ignorant, selfish, compliant sooks lacking in imagination and ambition?

There is some comfort that many millions of us supported the Voice, and that the systemic disadvantage of indigenous lives has been brought to the fore so that even the nasties must acknowledge its reality (while denying any accountability for enshrining it). But large swathes of the public who inhabit the trailing end of the decency bell curve have been gamed by a nasty campaign of racist tropes.

Not once did Spud, his pet dragon – the less than fully shevelled LeyZ Sussan or that feral fright wig in a pants suit the egregious Michaelia Cash call out any of this repugnant behaviour – the standard they all walked past. Instead there have been Trumpian attacks on our institutions including the courts, the AEC and government itself.

Trump: “The electon was rigged.”

Spud: “…I don’t think we should have a process that’s rigged and that’s what the prime ministers tried to orchestrate from day one.”

The mere idea of Old Chum Dutton as PM is sticking a Grange label on a goon bag. He’s a physical palindrome – afflicted with Zachary’s disease he’s an arse whichever way you look at him. A visionless plodder who confuses bullying the powerless with strength, validating willful ignorance as a legitimate excuse for nastiness – “if you don’t know, vote no”. Tories prefer their electors to be uninformed and apathetic.

His bald-faced, opportunistic tarring of Albo with the Alan Joyce stigma – “hanging out with Alan Joyce, red carpet events and, you know, they’re besties having dinner together, all the rest of it”.

His risible claim that the rabidly anti-union, low wagers are the party of working Australians.

In government the Tories needed the parameters of common decency to be written down – perhaps not so much to provide guidance on what constitutes acceptable behaviour from adults but as a means of identifying loopholes. Spud has no core beliefs about anything. He makes it up as he goes along.

The Tories’ pals from Advance’s stated tactic of instructing its volunteers to use fear and doubt rather than facts to defeat the Voice.

The Tories have a shared ethos of the increasingly rabid right – neo-Nazis, cookers, Karens, heirs of the murderous squatters, the Christian Taliban, racists suddenly discovering they’re against racism. Given the success of the right-wing baggers’ carpet bombing of a polite invitation to progress reconciliation we will now see an orange-tinted potato amping up the lies and misinformation.

When tested do we manifest anger and hostility to defend an identity that is based on dominance? Are we susceptible to far-right ideology that attacks democracy and normalizes violence against progressive agendas and liberal values³? Post-Howard the Tories are a party of opposition and resentment playing on fears and prejudices defined by what they’re against. The Liberal Party of Robert Menzies has devolved into authoritarian demagoguery while the Nationals, as ever, just tag along for the free ride.

‘No’ voters have not only denied First Peoples a means to improve their systemically disadvantaged lives they have also endorsed Dutton’s Trumpification of Oz politics where truth, integrity and fidelity are entirely dispensable.

* * * * *

¹ Author Maureen Lipman

² Tony Wright, SMH

³ Trumpism, the extreme far-right ideologyopendemocracy.net

* * * * *

Good reading

Peter Dutton bids for the mantle of conspiracy-theorist-in-chief. Crikey.

“No” camp has been seeking to sell even our most venerable institutions down the river to gain political traction. There is no conservatism in that – it is Trumpian. The Monthly.

“Importing US approaches into Australia [during election campaigns] has rarely worked … but a referendum is very different,” said Axel Bruns, a professor in Queensland University of Technology’s digital media research centre. “The choice is more similar to US voting. You can run these polarising, polarised campaigns that are about two stark choices”. The Guardian.

The right’s No campaign is a Trojan horse. Crikey.

Mark Kenny | Could Opposition Leader Peter Dutton vacate the middle entirely? Canberra Times.

Peter rabid. Rachel Withers, The Monthly.

Stunt man. Rachel Withers, The Monthly.

Peter Dutton is the exploding fire hydrant of politics pushing his party to the angry fringes and electoral oblivion? The Guardian.

What are ‘Advance’ and ‘Fair Australia’, and why are they spearheading the ‘no’ campaign on the Voice? The Conversation.

“Compare that with Opposition Leader Peter Dutton’s latest op-ed in the Herald Sun, which is riddled with misleading statements and scaremongering. He continues to claim we do not have the detail about the Voice – we do – and that the High Court could give the Voice to Parliament undue power – it can’t. He says the constitution has been a source of stability for 122 years – in fact, Australians have voted to change it eight times. Dutton called the Voice “the most consequential change to our system in history”. In 1967 we quite literally voted to give the Commonwealth the power to make special laws for Indigenous people, and to count Indigenous people as people in the census (they were never covered under a flora and fauna act, however, as the ABC debunked) – rather more significant changes than an advisory body, one might think.” (Crikey).

“If the world’s post-truth era is just getting started, and if the Coalition is determined to take advantage of it, then the last few weeks will seem, in hindsight, quite mild. And in case you don’t think things can get worse, remember this: every time you’ve thought that in the past two decades, they did.” (Sean Kelly, SMH).

“Opposition Leader Peter Dutton always looks sincere. The trouble is that he says things that are objectively untrue, things he cannot possibly believe.” (Michael Bradley. Crikey).

This article was originally published on Grumpy Geezer.

Like what we do at The AIMN?

You’ll like it even more knowing that your donation will help us to keep up the good fight.

Chuck in a few bucks and see just how far it goes!

Your contribution to help with the running costs of this site will be gratefully accepted.

You can donate through PayPal or credit card via the button below, or donate via bank transfer: BSB: 062500; A/c no: 10495969

Donate Button

Resisting Christian Nationalism: Secularism Australia’s inaugural conference

Spiritual and cultural Christians – indeed such people of all faiths – need to consider allying together with those who identify as belonging to “no religion.” It is the fundamentalist authoritarians who would divide and constrain us all that need exposing as the small minority they truly are. We must make them as powerless as their numbers, goals and hypocrisies merit.

At the first Secular Australia conference in Sydney on the 2nd of December, people gathered to hear presentations on maintaining the line between church and state in Australia. Jane Caro ably ran proceedings, opening by explaining that the conference’s goal was to build a stronger voice for secularists in the way the nation operates. We can no longer passively expect our interests to be represented when our parliaments are becoming more not less religious. The organisations and individuals maintaining our line between church and state must coordinate action. Some freedoms, Caro reminded, are only possible in a secular society.

Michael Kirby launched the conference, drawing attention to the fact that as of the 2021 census, 39% of Australians declared themselves to be of “no religion.” Professor Luke Beck outlined how Australia’s constitution dictates that we are a country where the separation between church and state is established, illustrating the historical battles between denominations that ended up shaping the structures we function within.

David Shoebridge of the federal Greens spoke about the work in federal parliament, noting in particular the “Basic Religious Charity Exemption” robs Australians of considerable wealth from businesses associated with charities and churches such as Sanitarium, as well as removing supervision of how almost $25 billion of public money is spent in these bodies performing outsourced government services. NSW Green Abigail Boyd described the struggle against entrenched and unaccountable religious conservatism in that state parliament. Both spoke of the way so many Australians are made second class citizens in the privileging of Christian prayer in our parliaments.

Rationalist’s Fiona Patten outlined the important achievements her party has helped achieve in Victoria, presenting an optimistic impression of our trajectory. Secularism, as she pointed out, means equality and freedom of conscience. South Australian Labor’s Chris Schacht illustrated the statistical support that secular government has in Australia, urging the bodies assembled to campaign more strategically in counterpoint to our well-organised religious lobbyists. Our politicians do not understand, he asserted, the census results proving the size of the secular vote, instead continuing to prioritise the activated religious vote. Victor Franco described his efforts at Boroondara Council to prove that privileging Christian prayer in such bodies is likely illegal, within Victoria at least.

Our public schools are established to be “free, secular and compulsory.” As Shoebridge had reminded us earlier, a fair and just society is embedded in that injunction. Alison Courtice and Ron Williams spoke about the secularists’ efforts in Queensland and NSW to constrain the controversial chaplaincy and religious instruction programs in their state schools. Federal governments of both stripes have spent almost $1.5 billion to place inappropriate figures in schools. Not only is this a profit stream for Pentecostal movements, but also a mission field. The ALP’s “secular” option is being embraced by these groups with new “wellbeing” companies set up to place more Pentecostal figures in primary schools.

The Australia Institute’s Bill Browne introduced the think tank’s survey results proving that the school chaplaincy program has only minority support in the community. 

Former Director-General of the Navy’s Chaplaincy Collin Acton spoke about his brave stand to make sure secular “chaplains” serve in our navy as first resort pastoral care providers (as well as or instead of the old system where chaplains bring a theology degree and a minimum of two years work in a civilian community). The Religious Advisory Committee to the Services, some of whom also treat the ADF as a mission field, ought to be replaced with a secular expert panel to ensure our service people are best protected from psychological distress. The army and airforce have still not embraced the new balance that Acton’s team persuaded the navy to trial.

Acton, Beck, Shoebridge and Kirby all drew attention to the substantial financial ramifications for the nation’s budget in the strong lobbying powers of the religious sector. Money is spent in huge proportions there, much of it unscrutinised for the manner and effectiveness of its use. This, as Caro pointed out, leads to religious healthcare providers becoming the sole service for a region but robbing the population of crucial medical procedures that don’t meet the provider’s moral code. 

Part of the substantial injustice of the excess funding of private schools is attributable to this power imbalance. We will continue to become a more unjust society if the public education system is starved of funds in both function and infrastructure, by contrast with taxpayer funds being spent in abundance on church-linked schools. Former president of the NSW Teachers Federation Maurie Mulheron spoke with great passion on that injustice. The chasm between education systems both segregates and polarises our society.

Some of the money, such as that spent on chaplains, may also be unconstitutional.

One of the most important aspects of the day’s discussion, however, was affirming respect for people of private and virtuous faith. We must stand against the mere 12% who belong to fundamentalist movements that see the rest of us as an impediment to their goals.

Chys Stevenson delivered the day’s most striking speech explaining the risk to our democratic project posed by the Christian Nationalist Right (or Christian Dominionism). She described this Americanisation of Australian politics as part of a “cancerous political ideology.” We have the protection from a soft coup by Christian authoritarians of a much stronger electoral system than the USA, but complacency, Stevenson warned, could nullify that advantage.

The Pentecostal movement is working to infiltrate government and public institutions; the intent is “gaining complete control.” And while the style of religion is foreign, it is growing. The New Apostolic Reformation group alone has 1,000 churches around Australia.

This “imposter Christianity,” quoting Professor Samuel Perry, is often antithetical to Christ’s teaching. It is radicalised to the point that, Stevenson explained, in many churches pastors can no longer preach the Sermon on the Mount without being attacked for being the rotten “woke.” 

The Christian Nationalists that Stevenson depicted believe that End Times are close. This requires the purification of every person and nation on the planet to allow Christ’s return to rule. Purification entails constraining all lives: no reproductive rights and no sex outside sacred, heterosexual marriage. This allows no LGBTQIA+ existence at all. Women should be returned to the domestic space.

Stevenson described the Seven Mountains Mandate which intends all aspects of human society to be controlled by Pentecostal figures: education, religion, family, business, government/military, arts/entertainment and media. There is no obligation to be honest with the secular world about this intent or the methods used to achieve it. Everything is literal spiritual warfare. The secular world, including Christians who are not of their movement but most particularly Catholics, is often depicted as demonic. The movement is deeply antagonistic to First People’s cultures, and often segregationist in race terms.

Stevenson used UTS academic Jeremy Walker’s research into the Atlas Network and its affiliate “think” tanks in Australia where anti-climate action work is accompanied by culture war battles that amplify splits in society. The Atlas model of division was at work in the Voice referendum campaign, not least because the fossil fuel sector that funds so much of these junktanks’ work fears the alliance of First People with environmental campaigns.

Neither the paleolibertarians nor the Christian Nationalists have any interest in democracy. The former see it as an obstacle to the free market, while the latter sees it as an obstacle to imposing Biblical law. Stevenson recommended Clare Heath-McIvor’s insider revelations about the threat to the democratic project posed by this movement.

Stevenson’s speech built on Leslie Cannold’s depiction, in the preceding presentation, of how polarised Australian society is becoming. We are following the American route towards hyperpolarisation which cannot sustain the democratic experiment.

Dr Anna Halahoff from Deakin illustrated the degree to which far right lobbyists have pushed the Western Chauvinist cultural deployment of Christianity into our new school curriculum. Then education minister Alan Tudge’s revision to the proposed Australian history curriculum ended up reducing content covering First People by one third, replaced by greater emphasis on our “Christian heritage.” Tudge has no record of being on the Orban speaking tour like too many Liberal Party alumni, but he was apparently filtering the fascistic politics through from the network.

Van Badham spoke with passion, and some trepidation, about her adult embrace of Catholicism. She depicted her faith as integral to her commitment to social justice and her wellbeing. Badham described secularism as a vital bulwark against the authoritarian Christians who pervert her faith, damaging believers as much as people of no religion.

The scandal emerging from Florida in recent days is indicative of the forces at work in the Christofascist right. Christian Ziegler is the state party chair of the Republican Party and a staunch ally in Governor Ron DeSantis’s war on “woke,” with constant assaults on both straight women’s and LGBTQIA+ safety within the state. His wife Bridget Ziegler was a co-founder of the hate group Moms for Liberty that has bedevilled American schools and libraries with anti-LGBTQIA+ aggression.

The fact that the Zieglers have been in an open marriage with another woman, including allegedly lesbian activity by Bridget, followed by an accusation of rape and physical harm of that third party by Christian, exposes the rot at the heart of this kind of politics. Families and individuals are leaving Florida and similar states for their own safety. People have been driven to suicide. Others are living with the mental distress of being targeted for outsider status by this neofascist crusade. The hypocrisy, however, is standard.

True Christians and people of other faiths who live inspired by their belief and its moral code are utterly different from these neofascists. 

We must work together for mutual protection.

 

This essay appeared in an abbreviated form in Pearls and Irritations as Christian Nationalists versus the rest.

Conference sponsors:

The NSW Teachers Federation

The Secular Association of NSW

Humanists Victoria

National Secular Lobby

Rationalist Society of Australia

Plain Reason

Humanists Australia

 

Like what we do at The AIMN?

You’ll like it even more knowing that your donation will help us to keep up the good fight.

Chuck in a few bucks and see just how far it goes!

Your contribution to help with the running costs of this site will be gratefully accepted.

You can donate through PayPal or credit card via the button below, or donate via bank transfer: BSB: 062500; A/c no: 10495969

Donate Button

The demise of social cohesion is what threatens us most, and the Coalition has thrived on it

Internal bickering between ingrained, imported, or cultivated groups can have the most ruinous consequences for a nation’s social cohesion, particularly those of a multicultural mix like Australia.

With its extensive mix of ethnicities, Australia is a prosperous multicultural country that has maintained peace and social cohesion.

We have prospered with this influx of folk from around the world, and I have been party to many grand arrivals in my lifetime. Of course, our early settlers came in the thousands from the overcrowded jails of England. Looking for a better future, the Irish and Scottish followed. Religious differences came with them, but we managed it. 

All this in the backdrop of The White Australia Policy, which prevailed as our attitude to immigration, after Federation in 1901, and for the next 70 years. Was it racist? Of course, it was. It was aimed at stopping non-white people from coming to Australia.

Yet such diversity exists nowhere else. We are home to the “world’s oldest continuous cultures, and Australians identify with more than 270 ancestries.” Since 1945, millions of people have migrated to Australia. 

In the main, we have maintained social cohesion despite the complexities these folk would inevitably bring. “Populate or perish was the catchcry” of the 1950s. It worked:

  • Nearly one-third of Aussies were born overseas
  • Half of Australians have an overseas-born parent
  • Almost one-quarter of Australians speak a language other than English at home.

It was this immigration that built the Snowy Mountains Hydro Scheme. The richness of their different ethnicities merged into ours to produce a new Australia. It has, in the main, been harmonious. However, some have taken the opportunity to bring their problems with them and act them out on our soil.

Others of Australian heritage have sought to take advantage of these problems to stir up racial prejudice for their own political advantage.

However, some subjects, such as Israel, can be taboo, and the ABC’s decision to go ahead with Q&A without an audience two weeks ago illustrates how volatile some issues can be.

Our history of rejecting refugees is a case in point. John Howard, Tony Abbott, Peter Dutton and Scott Morrison have a history of stirring up anti-Muslim sentiment and racism for political advantage and religious attachment.

As recently as the first question on the resumption of Parliament (November 14), the Leader of the Opposition, Peter Dutton, deliberately misquoted what Penny Wong had said in an interview with David Speers on the Insider program. The Opposition Leader Peter Dutton began Question Time by asking Mr Albanese whether it was the government’s position to call for an Israeli ceasefire.

He put to the Prime Minister that on Sunday, Foreign Minister Penny Wong had:

“… claimed Israel, in carrying out its defensive war against terror group Hamas, is breaching international law and should undertake a ceasefire.”

Here is the transcript of what she actually said:

Speers: So just on the ceasefire argument, as you mentioned, the French President Emmanuel Macron has said that he is calling for a ceasefire. You just said you would like to see the steps taken towards a ceasefire. Can I just invite you to tease out what sort of steps are you looking for?

Foreign Minister: Well, we need steps towards a ceasefire because we know that Hamas – it cannot be one‑sided – we know that Hamas is still holding hostages and we know that a ceasefire must be agreed between the parties.”

Nowhere in her answers can you find that Australia was committed to a ceasefire, yet Dutton’s sleazy question suggested otherwise. The Australian newspaper supported his assertion with this headline: “Albanese refuses to endorse Wong call for ceasefire” (firewalled) and started with this lie:

“Anthony Albanese has refused to back Penny Wong’s call for a ceasefire in Israel’s war against Hamas, or her suggestion the Netanyahu government could be breaking international law.”

The point of all this, of course, is that while these two sides are fighting the most depraved acts of warfare, killing children, bombing hospitals and committing the most terrible crimes against each other. The Opposition Leader chooses to play dangerous politics with what is a war of far-reaching consequences.

On Wednesday, November 15, Dutton launched another attack, attempting to link criticisms of the government’s response to the Gaza conflict and the release of detainees from immigration detention. Albanese was having none of it. Visibly angry and upset, he accused Peter Dutton of “weaponising antisemitism.”

“To come in here and move this resolution and link antisemitism with the decision of the high court is beyond contempt.” 

“I didn’t think that he could go this low as to link these two issues'” he said in response to Dutton’s motion. 

But Dutton is not alone in these acts that create civil disobedience and threaten social cohesion. The Liberal Party and its leaders have never felt ill-disposed to stirring up racism. 

Let’s test our memories for a moment.

Remember when Peter Dutton openly accused Sudanese teenagers of social disobedience by running amok in the streets of Melbourne. (Then) Prime Minister Turnbull followed him up with similar accusations that amounted to straight-out racism.

No one can forget the tensions that developed when John Howard said:

“But we will decide who comes to this country and the circumstances in which they come.”

The Tampa Affair followed, and the phrase “Stop the boats” further antagonised people. Remember when Alan Jones incited hatred and the Cronulla riots began. Then there were Scott Morrison’s numerous offences as Immigration Minister, Social Services Minister, and Minister for everything. 

To the point of boredom, Turnbull told us that we were the most successful multi-racial country in the world, yet at the same time, while Dutton was claiming that people were scared to leave their homes to eat out because of African gangs. Turnbull and Dutton were repudiated in a sensible fact-laden piece by Waleed Aly.

Turnbull seemed to be all over the shop:

“Australia will consider adding a ‘values test’ for those considering permanent residency in order to protect its ‘extraordinarily successful’ multicultural society.”

In London at the time, the Citizenship and Multicultural Minister Alan Tudge, in a speech to the Australia/UK Leadership Forum, suggested a “values” test to fend off “segregation”. Ever the hypocrite, Turnbull agreed.

“Segregation,” I thought to myself. I dislike the word intently for the images it places before one’s eyes. Still, nevertheless, it is something we have practised – especially on First Nations people – for as long as immigration has existed and is as natural as life itself. His speech was full of racial overtones calculated to incite further violence back home. 

Propaganda aims to make you feel good about the wrongs being perpetrated on you.

Craig Emmerson noted that John Howard tried this tactic in 1988 with Asian immigration, adding:

“Who would have imagined Turnbull would try it again in 2018. The Liberals haven’t changed in 30 years. Very sad for our country.”

When the Italians came to Melbourne, they gathered together in Brunswick, the Greeks in Carlton, the Vietnamese in Springvale and the Chinese in Box Hill. And so on. Then, over time, they neatly integrated into general society.

We are now confronted with more odious loathing threatening our social cohesion. This time, it is between Jews and Middle Eastern Muslim groups, both of which can claim the moral ground. These vile events are attracting protesting groups in enormous numbers, threatening to escalate into full-on rioting. On social media, commentary of a xenophobic and anti-Semitic nature is just pathetic. 

Any meaningful resolution to the problems in the Middle East can only be resolved with a transformation of the minds of men and consideration of the effect religion, any religion, has on people.

Australians have a long history of finding fault with things we don’t understand. The complexity of Middle Eastern politics and religion is so electric that they can flare up at any time, and any discussion on the subject is filled with danger.

In our mindless observation at various times, we have blamed communists, Jews, women, the devil, Indigenous people and witches, even God for all manner of things.

Sitting on the platform at Flinders Street Station and watching the passing parade of ethnicity, I can only admire a country I could never envisage from the same seat in the 1950s.

My thoughts for the day

It’s no secret that our differences can often lead to conflict and division. However, imagine what we could achieve if we all worked together despite our diverse backgrounds and opinions. By coming together harmoniously, we can accomplish anything we set our minds to. So, let’s put aside our differences and work towards a common goal – a brighter future for all.

Like what we do at The AIMN?

You’ll like it even more knowing that your donation will help us to keep up the good fight.

Chuck in a few bucks and see just how far it goes!

Your contribution to help with the running costs of this site will be gratefully accepted.

You can donate through PayPal or credit card via the button below, or donate via bank transfer: BSB: 062500; A/c no: 10495969

Donate Button