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Eva is a freelance writer with a keen interest in legal, social justice and community matters, particularly where they intertwine with politics. She holds a Bachelor of Laws degree with First Class Honours, Graduate Diploma in Legal Practice (Distinction) and a Bachelor of Social Science, majoring in Social Justice and Behavioural Science. Eva enjoys fighting politically expedient populism and is commited to empowering Australians to participate in democracy. She’s also a mother to three young children and lives in Tasmania.

Dual citizen politicians: what to do?

It is evident that section 44 of the Australian Constitution causes considerable angst to elected representatives in the Commonwealth Parliament. Section 44 sets out who is capable of being “chosen or of sitting as a senator or a member of the House of Representatives”. It describes this eligibility in the form of who is not allowed to be nominated or elected.

As a simplistic summary, this includes dual citizens, someone who has been convicted and under sentence or awaiting sentencing for certain offences, an undischarged bankrupt or insolvent, a person who holds any office of profit under the Crown, or a person with any direct or indirect pecuniary interest in any agreement with the Public Service of the Commonwealth.

Before the dual citizenship “conspiracy” swept through Parliament, section 44 was already in the spotlight. It is not the first time this year that Senators have fallen foul of the provision.

In February, the High Court ruled that One Nation Senator Rob Culleton’s election was invalid due to “a conviction at the time of the election” even though that conviction was later annulled. Mr Culleton was also found by the Federal Court to be an “undischarged bankrupt”, another ground for disqualification if the first hadn’t sufficed.

In April, the High Court ruled that Family First Senator Bob Day was invalidly elected because of leasing arrangements for his South Australian electorate office.

Labor has also referred National MP David Gillespie to the High Court due to a potential “direct or indirect pecuniary interest” for his ownership of a suburban shopping complex in Port Macquarie, which houses an Australia Post outlet, a government-owned corporation. This case still awaits judgment.

Yet it wasn’t Day and Culleton’s downfalls which led to cries of “conspiracy” and a backlash against section 44. Nor was it Labor’s attempt to destabilise the Government by referring David Gillespie to the High Court.

No. It is the dual citizenship provision, section 44(i), which has raised the ire of commentators.

And only after an embarrassing display of ignorance and some fancy excuses saw the resignation of Greens Senators, Scott Ludlam, and Larissa Waters, the High Court referrals of National’s Senator Matt “My Mum Did It” Canavan, followed by One Nation Senator Malcolm Roberts, (who claims to have never been British, Indian, or a “chucker”, but possibly a Sovereign Citizen), and the latest, Deputy Prime Minister and New Zealand’s proudest Australian, Barnaby Joyce.

This political game of Dual Citizenship Dominos has come as a shock to many. But it shouldn’t.

It’s not like the Constitution has been around since 1900.

It’s not like the constitutional issue of dual citizenship has already been raised this year in an attempt to see Bob Day’s potential replacement, Lucy Gichuhi, ruled ineligible to sit due to her former Kenyan citizenship.

It’s not like Liberal backbencher Tony Abbott has been pursued mercilessly over his alleged dual citizenship with Great Britain for years.

It is also not like the Government has debated at great length about dual citizens, in the context of how the Minister may arbitrarily cancel a dual citizen’s Australian citizenship if that person offends the Minister so.

What seems to have caused the display of incredulation and dismay, and the sudden realization of the ramifications of section 44, is that it has caught up some popular, totes ‘Stayan mate, politicians.

The questions around the appropriateness of section 44 have come about because “ordinary” Aussie’s in the Senate and House of Reps were caught unawares over their dual citizenship.

Given the identities of those caught out by section 44(i), it is unsurprising the renewed interest in revision.

However, it is precisely because of the identities of the Unfortunate Five, that any call for a change should be heavily scrutinised.

For example, imagine if Ludlam, Waters, Canavan, Roberts and Joyce, instead of being New Zealanders, Canadians, potential Brits or Italians, were from the Middle East, former Soviet Union or Asia …

Would public commentators be demanding the Constitution be changed, or would they be calling for the respective parliamentarians to be jailed and/or deported?

This raises a further question.

If section 44(i) is changed to allow dual citizens, what criteria should be in place to decide which dual nationalities are acceptable, and which are not? How would real or perceived conflicts of interest, which may impact on the integrity of parliament, be addressed and mitigated?

Should a dual national be ineligible if they are a citizen of a country subject to an Australian sanction regime (either in conjunction with UNSC or autonomously)? Imagine if a Syrian dual national was nominated. What about North Korean?

Do we say parliamentarians can be dual citizens provided we are not in direct conflict with the foreign nation? How serious does that conflict need to be? JBish has caused a serious diplomatic incident with Australia’s closest neighbour in her desperation to blame Labor for Kiwi Joyce’s dual status.

What about historical alliances? How far back do you go? The Allies? That may well rule out half of Europe, but the Soviet Union is in. So maybe the Western Bloc? Will Australia need to choose sides when Brexit negotiations get ugly (even though it has nothing to do with our nation)? Will that mean British dual citizens are ace, but European dual citizens are out?

What about current alliances? That could change any minute and result in bi-elections every 6 months, given the precarious nature of Donald Trump’s Rule By Twitter, and Turnbull’s tendency to lavishly lick Trump’s butthole when it comes to backing him up.

Or perhaps we could exclude any person who has ever worked for a foreign government or served in foreign forces or is obliged to serve in a foreign force? So that rules out any country with mandatory national service and there are a few of those.

Given the identities of those parliamentarians currently caught up in the scandal (bar Canavan), perhaps what those calling for an amendment to section 44 mean is that dual citizenship is fine as long as it’s with Mother England and any of her former colonies. Because it’s not like Australia deliberately enacted the Australia Act 1986 to override the notion of Britain being so Great it encompassed Australia as well.

Perhaps a simple requirement is that as long as English is the first language … No wait. That is just a little bit too obviously White Australia Policy and excludes Indigenous Australians too.

So maybe the nominee will be required to speak the level of English the Government has proposed for Australian citizenship, making other allegiances moot? But that knocks out the Irish based on the current test, anyone without a university degree (from a Western University), and probably a few that do.

What a conundrum. Just how should the newly revised Constitution determine who is eligible to be chosen or sit?

Perhaps there is a simple solution. Leave the Constitution how it is, and tough to those politicians who “can’t manage basic admin“.

An aspiring politician is obliged to confirm they are not “under any acknowledgment of allegiance, obedience, or adherence to a foreign power,” or “a subject or a citizen or entitled to the rights or privileges of a subject or a citizen of a foreign power”, when they nominate with the AEC. They must take the time to conduct due diligence checks on their own lineage, and where applicable renounce their foreign citizenship or decline to nominate.

It is a whole lot easier for potential representatives to check their place of birth, their parents’ nationality and place of birth (and in some cases, grandparents), than to decide which dual nationality is acceptable.

But maybe that is still just a tiny bit too complex. Just ask the 5 so far and counting.


Being a transracial adoptee: a unique perspective on racism

Disclaimer: New Zealand artist Gabby Malpas is a transracial adoptee of Chinese descent. She “followed the herd” to the UK in 1989 and lived there for 14 years, before emigrating to Australia in 2003. She became an Australian citizen in 2017.

It is only recently at 48 years of age that Malpas started coming “out of the adoption fog”. She is now 51. Malpas met her birth mother when she was 38, however it has only been in the past few years that she has begun to process her life experiences and understand why race and racist incidents are such a big deal for her. She doesn’t hold herself up as blameless or without racial prejudice of her own but she is putting energy into developing empathy and awareness and trying to keep a sense of humour about it all.

All in all Malpas says she is living a fantastic life. She has had opportunities and adventures most only dream about and she grasps every day with both hands as an artist, because that is what she does and has been working towards for over 30 years. Her reason for opening up about racism is to help other transracial adoptees coming after her. The world is a different place to the one Malpas grew up in and she had to find her own way. She believes that if sharing her experiences helps someone else, it is worth it.

Malpas says she is still learning how not to be a dick.

Being a transracial adoptee: a unique perspective on racism

If there is one thing guaranteed to cause a frenzy of outrage and defensive indignation, it’s an accusation of racism. Mainstream and social media erupts with analysis, condemnation and fury over the alleged insults; both the derogatory slur and being labelled a racist.

Throughout it all, tempers flare. Equally adversarial personalities argue over which “human right” takes precedence; the right to freedom of speech, or the right to be free from racial abuse, while other commentators question if everyone is being just a tad oversensitive, or if it’s another case of “political correctness gone mad”. And then the media cycle moves on, and a new outrage gains prominence. Racism is yesterday’s news.

Yet the lives of people of colour aren’t dictated by populist trends. Personal attacks based on skin colour and ethnic origin don’t stop once racism is out of the spotlight. There is no reprieve for those subjected to a lifetime of insults, harassment or abuse on the basis of who they are.

For New Zealand artist Gabby Malpas, this is an exhausting experience. As a transracial adoptee of Chinese descent born in the ‘60s, Malpas has seen countless media cycles bring racism to the forefront of people’s minds. However, the voices of those most intimately affected by racist sentiment are often overlooked in favour of the loudest commentators “being offended on behalf of ‘brown’ people” or insisting that “brown’ people choose to take offence”.

Malpas’s upbringing has given her a unique perspective on racism. One of ten children in a “white” family, she was raised exactly the same as her siblings, and received no special recognition of her Asian ancestry. This, of course, means that she has a keen understanding of western culture, mentality and expectations.

Yet Asian race-hate was rife across western nations in the sixties and seventies, and as a child, Malpas became increasingly aware of the different way she was seen and treated in the community. She was subject to daily bullying and taunts, something her family and friends did not understand, acknowledge or even vaguely appreciate. Malpas quickly learned that no one was interested in hearing about the racial slurs and abuse; in fact, no one believed her experiences were racially motivated. She was dismissed, told to ignore it, or disbelieved.

This pattern of having her experiences ignored and dismissed became a familiar occurrence, and continued long into adulthood. Malpas learned to expect it, just as she learned that she would be subject to racism. She found she was constantly in “attack mode”, attempting to preempt and prepare for the next wave of abuse. Yet whenever she tried to change how she reacted, another incident would occur; being racially attacked, followed by dismissal and denial by those around her, and the cycle would begin again.

It wasn’t until she was in her thirties that the extent of the difference between how she expected she would be treated, having been raised in New Zealand in a “white family”, and how she was treated, on the basis of her Asian appearance, finally became clear in her mind.

Malpas recounts a shocking example; in her early twenties, she embarked on a backpacking holiday in South East Asia with a male friend. Her recollection is vivid, but she now understands the cultural reaction: “In my naive and culturally ignorant eyes I should have been treated with the respect given to white tourists – yet in many places I was seen as a prostitute because I was an Asian with a white male.”

This wasn’t an isolated incident, and was just one of many distressing situations Malpas found herself in where she was judged and treated differently to her friends and family based on racial stereotypes. Malpas came to realise that her “life experiences were not, are not, and never will be the same” as her adopted family.

For people of colour, “racism” isn’t a buzzword, it isn’t a hot topic, it doesn’t provide a chance to bemoan the loss of freedom of speech or congratulate oneself on the nation’s “tolerance and acceptance of diversity”. Yet for many “white” Australians, it is unfathomable that they, or their friends, may be complicit in defending, condoning or supporting racism.

For people of colour, racism is reality. It is something they experience with weary regularity. It forms a part of their lives from which there is no escape, no matter how much people tell them to “lighten up”, “take a joke”, “just get over it” or “stop playing ‘victim’”.

Still, public discourse focusses on superficial questions: “Is Australia a racist nation?”, “Is it racist to call an Indigenous man an ape?”, “Is racism an issue in contemporary society?”

The time for “debating” these topics is long gone, if there ever was a time. However there is still fierce denial from many in the community, who cannot come to terms with Australia’s racist history, or accept that racism still exists. They fall back on the narrative that as Australia is a multiculturally diverse and “tolerant” nation, it cannot possibly be racially motivated when people of colour experience abuse.

Racism exists in every culture, and it is just as deeply embedded in Australian society, culture and language as any other nation. The Government and institutions unrepentantly support racist policies: The proposed Citizenship law changes impact disproportionately on people of colour and are a thinly veiled return to a White Australia policy (which only ended in 1973), the Northern Territory Intervention, where the Army was sent in to an Indigenous community and paternalistic controls set in place, occurred just ten years ago. Indigenous Australians were only recognised and counted as “people” in 1967.

It has taken Malpas almost her whole life to understand her relationship with race and identity, and how her life experience has shaped her. The reality is, and always was, that she is different. She was never truly equal to her “white” contemporaries and her experiences have been tinged by colour. She is different too, to Asians who have grown up in their own families or culture. Malpas identifies that the experiences of transracial adoptees is so unique that they are generally only understood by other transracial adoptees.

Malpas says self-denial played a huge part in her life. She couldn’t identify as “white”, but she didn’t identify as “Asian”. And Malpas didn’t want to be “Asian”; Asian women were portrayed in the media as “sexy and submissive or conniving”, and Asian men as “weak”. Her family had no concept of what it was like to be “Asian”, and no understanding of Malpas’s personal experiences. She felt isolated, and in her struggle to find her place, participated in self-deprecating banter to “get in first” with the inevitable racist “jokes”, if only to show she wasn’t really one of “them”.

Malpas believes that social media has been brilliant at exposing racist behaviour and actions. Smartphones capture incidents as they happen, in all the terrible, distressing detail, and the images and videos may be widely shared. Malpas feels validated and heartened by the community calling out incidences of racism and stepping up to denounce it as unacceptable.

But with so many people still in denial that racism is present, and many who don’t understand what constitutes racist behaviour, there is a long way to go. Even more so when the Government, media and other institutions openly support division in the community. In the past month alone, a Sky News’ Outsiders program presenter told the Government appointed Race Discrimination Commissioner,  Dr Tim Soutphommasane, to “go back to Laos” (he was born in France). Last month, another veteran broadcaster, Red Symons, asked ABC journalist and radio producer, Beverley Wang, “what’s the deal with Asians” and if she was “yellow”. Senator Pauline Hanson has built a political platform on divisive policies.

However, unless a person has personally experienced racially motivated abuse, many find it hard to recognise and identify racism. Consequently, they fail to appreciate the impact a seemingly minor incident can have on a person, and how dismissal over the incident can add to distress.

But what counts as racist? Who gets to decide what is offensive?

Malpas believes that a good starting point is to “let the ‘brown’ people decide”. And then, most importantly, listen to what they say; if a “brown” person says it is offensive, believe them.

The lived experience of people of colour shows that racism comes in many forms. It may be calling someone a “nigger” or “dirty Abo”, or saying “go back to where you came from, you yellow c***”. It may be as subversive as subtly reminding a person that they are an “other”, for example, by using a person’s individual name as an identifier for a whole race, or assuming that an Asian in a “white” household is the “nanny”.

It might be in the form of a micro-aggression, for example, by declaring, “I’m not racist, my friend is brown/yellow/black”, “You should know what that is – you’re Asian,” or by playing on the fetishization of a race, for example, by only dating a person of colour when it’s fashionable to have a “cute Asian girlfriend”.

Malpas is encouraged by the rise in awareness of racism. Yet when it comes to comment and debate, she says it is crucial to listen to people of colour and acknowledge that the experiences of people of colour are not the same as a “white” majority in western nations.

Structural inequality is deeply embedded. While simplistic “colourblind” mantras, for example, that “all races matter, we are all one race; the human race,” may be well-meaning, they ignore the reality that people of colour have far greater challenges to overcome than others in the community due to systematic and institutionalised discrimination.

Current generations are still impacted by the inequality, abuse and state-sanctioned controls exercised over their parents, grandparents, extended family and ancestors. This is particularly the case where indigenous people were captured, murdered and deliberately dehumanised, or in the case of African Americans, imported and bred for slavery. The trauma, passed from one generation to the next, is still very real today.

Malpas talks honestly about her experiences with racism and her isolation until connecting with other transracial adoptees three years ago. The connection with others with similar experience has lessened her feelings of isolation. She believes that promoting inclusiveness and diversity through acknowledgment of difference will have a far greater impact in combating the never-ending cycle of racist abuse than resorting to idealistic principles of “oneness”.

For Malpas, coming to terms with her past has been a lengthy, thought-provoking experience. She uses her art to express her feelings about race, culture and identity in “lavish and beautiful images”. Sensitive subjects are explored in an engaging and respectful way. Her art is a gentle response to being silenced and a subtle reminder for people to listen to those who have a story to share. It took her 48 years to begin to make art about her life experiences that communicated the way she wanted; with “love, respect and a little bit of humour”.

When Malpas was growing up, very little support existed for transracially adopted children and their families. Now she provides some support to the next generation of young people by volunteering her time, skills and experience. Her reason for opening up about racism is to help the next generation of transracial adoptees and their families.

In addition to being a professional artist, Malpas runs art workshops, including monthly sessions for adolescent Chinese adoptees with the FCCA (Families with Children from China). She is on the advisory committee of the NSW Post Adoption Resource Centre (PARC), part of the Benevolent Society, is actively involved in adoption groups such as Intercountry Adoptee Voices (ICAV) and is the “down under” ambassador for the Peace Through Prosperity Foundation. Malpas speaks at adoption and art events and meetings, and provides personal support to other transracial adoptees. She also donates art to charities on a regular basis, including the Cancer Council, Epilepsy Action Australia, Thompson Reuters, and Wheelchair Sports NSW.

Malpas’s story is important not only for other transracial adoptees. Her experience and observations also provide insight into what the broader community can do to lessen the divide and limit the impact of harmful public debate:

Listen before you speak. When calling someone out on racist behaviour, consider, are you speaking your own mind, or are you amplifying the voices of those who are personally impacted? Listen to the stories, accept history and acknowledge the distress and anxiety caused by repeated race-based attacks. Show empathy, kindness and understanding. Listen.

Do you value international journalism? I do.

Broken bodies lay scattered among the charred remnants of blown up vehicles. Dusty brown school bags and brightly coloured scarves are soaked with blood amid the acrid stench of burnt flesh, in a ghastly, stomach-turning scene. In the distance gunfire punctuates the still air, with the deep throb of a helicopter snapping stunned survivors back to the immediate reality.

This scene is brought to you … not from the comfort of an air-conditioned studio in Sydney, not from the safety of a private car surrounded by security officials, or the cramped, windowless office in a city skyrise.

If this scene was real, it would not come from lazily typed words on a luminescent screen; they would be hastily scribed by the shaking hand of an international journalist.

For as long as journalism has existed, daring men and women have departed the shores of their own lands and hurried abroad, keen to explore and document another world. In past times, the careful notes and detailed descriptions of foreign cultures, fascinating societies and disastrous events meandered slowly back to “civilisation” by foot, horseback or boat, to be considered, pondered and wondered about by fascinated audiences.

As the world shrank and technological advances developed, far away countries became more accessible. Ordinary folk left their homes for adventure, holidays and recreational travel. Yet the most dangerous destinations, most challenging locations and most confronting of situations were reserved for the most inquisitive, the most bold and the bravest.

Communication through telling stories is as old as the world itself. Journalism is the professional incarnation of storytelling. International journalists go where others dare not.

The Walkley Awards recognise Excellence in Australian Journalism. In the last few days, the Walkley Awards Advisory Board has decided to abolish the award category for International Journalism. It has done this on the basis of a lengthy review, where it made “evolutionary” changes to the program. The Board considered the changing nature of journalism, and after consultation with the industry, chose to honour international journalists through other categories, rather than alone.

Yet international journalists stand alone in the risks they take, the challenges they face, and the physical and mental stamina required to produce the stories they share. International journalists, particularly those who venture outside of other western nations, go beyond what is expected or required of their domestic peers, not because their writing requires greater skill, but because the circumstances under which they operate simply to do the job may be unpredictable, ever-changing and fraught with dangers not encountered in contemporary Australian society.

International journalists do what ordinary people do not. They travel to war zones, disaster zones and in areas of civil unrest to uncover, expose and report on important matters of social, political and cultural interest. They may face the threat of death – and sometimes death itself – torture and imprisonment, often sanctioned by foreign governments or ruling powers, simply for doing their job.

They witness brutality, poverty, devastation and carnage. They put aside human emotion, temporarily, to document these events in intricate and graphic detail in order to provide accountability, prompt for humanitarian aid and intervention or justice. They pay a huge price when they allow their human emotions to return in the “down time”.

International journalists travel to places no “sane” person would venture, risking their own lives and mental health to ensure atrocities, human rights abuse and the consequences of famine, fire and flood are captured in compelling detail. They play a crucial role in uncovering corruption, crime, health emergencies and other matters of public interest.

Without the efforts and sacrifices of these journalists, reporting of international events would be nothing more than shallow, disjointed accounts. The depth of feeling, immediacy and presence can only be provided by those journalists, right in the middle of the action.

Their stories connect us with other lives away from our own insular experience, broadening our knowledge, exposure and empathy of other people whose reality is so far removed from our own.

It is no small decision to remove an award which recognises the importance of international journalism. It is no small thing to abolish the formal acknowledgement of the fundamental role international journalists play in the communication and dissemination of information on complex issues, events and times.

The Walkley Awards cannot genuinely promote excellence in Australian journalism while excluding the unique contribution international journalists provide to the rich and diverse narrative of the modern world. Australians with political and social conscience appreciate the value of the daring men and women who step outside the comfort of this relatively safe and peaceful country.

The award category for International Journalism should, and must be, reinstated.

*If you have the time and inclination, please consider respectfully emailing the Walkley Awards Committee with your thoughts on why you believe international journalists should be honoured in a category of their own.


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A Human Rights Act for Tasmania

Right now, the nation is gripped in conversation about health, education, families, housing and justice. The 2017 Federal Budget has just been handed down, and people are earnestly investigating what it personally means for them.

Will the local school lose funding? Will a house ever be affordable? How much will a trip to the doctor cost? Will any new jobs be created?

With these questions firmly at the forefront of people’s minds, it is the perfect time to talk about “human rights”.

Education is a human right. Housing is a human right. Medical care is a human right. Employment is a human right.

This is not how many people understand human rights. In fact, the mention of human rights usually only occurs in the context of repugnant laws which clearly violate rights, for example, detaining refugees in leaky, rat-infested tents on tropical islands, or housing juveniles in adult prisons. Or when discussing equal rights and discrimination, for example whether gay people should be legally allowed to marry, or mothers should be allowed to breastfeed in Parliament House.

Alternately, people incorrectly assume their human rights are already protected. They assume the Government cannot throw them in jail without a fair trial, cannot unjustly deprive them of property, and cannot pass laws to ban them from protesting.

However, unlike other nations with similar legal and political systems, Australia does not legislatively protect all human rights. The Australian Constitution does not include a Bill of Rights. Unless the governments enact into domestic legislation those rights found in the international documents such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, individuals have very little protection for the fundamental freedoms every person is entitled to, on the basis of being human.

Many things we take for granted are in fact basic human rights. Human rights cover such things as the right to life, the protection of the family and children, protection from discrimination, liberty and security of the person, to be treated equally before the law and be granted a fair hearing, the right to privacy and freedom from personal attack, freedom of thought, conscience and religion, and to peacefully express beliefs.

It includes freedom of opinion and expression, peaceful assembly and association, the right to work, and good working conditions. Additionally, it includes the right to adequate food, clothing, housing, medical care, the right to education and to participate in the cultural life of the community, and the right to a safe environment and to the protection of the environment from pollution and ecological degradation.

While some laws do exist to protect human rights, for example the Anti-Discrimination Act 1998 (Tas), Age Discrimination Act 2004 (Cth), Racial Discrimination Act 1975 (Cth) and Sex Discrimination Act 1984 (Cth) there is no central piece of legislation which enshrines all the recognised human rights of Australians and Tasmanians.

It is time for this to change.

Governments across Australia are increasingly enacting laws which infringe on basic human rights. People have come to accept as normal all manner of laws which undermine the principles of natural justice and a fair trial under the guise of “getting tough on crime” and “terrorism”.

Mandatory data retention, anti-protest laws, indefinite detention of refugees and asylum seekers, warrantless arrests, abrogation of the right to silence and anti-association laws are all generally accepted by the community because many do not understand the concept of human rights, or they think human rights violations only happen in war torn, third world countries.

A Tasmanian Human Rights Act will change the conversation. It will define what a human right is and how human rights apply for ordinary people. It will help to challenge the perception that society can selectively pick which human rights are available and for whom.

Tasmania will not be alone if it enacts laws to protect and recognise fundamental freedoms. The ACT and Victoria have had human rights legislation for over a decade, and in 2016 the Queensland Government announced it too would adopt a Human Rights Act.

The Tasmanian Liberal Party website identifies many of the basic human rights as central beliefs. A majority of the Tasmanian Labor Party policies also find their basis in fundamental human rights and Labor has stated it will introduce and support a Charter of Human Rights. The Tasmanian Greens also has a policy to legislate a Charter of Rights and Responsibilities and to counter the erosion of civil and human rights.

It is evident that all parties are committed to protecting human rights in some form or another. Introducing legislation to recognise human rights should be a common ground for all Tasmanian politicians, regardless of party politics and personal belief.

And what better way to do this than for each party to make the introduction of a Tasmanian Human Rights Act a commitment for the 2018 election?

A Tasmanian Human Rights Act will cement and centralise many of the rights which parties have already publicly acknowledged are important. A dedicated Tasmanian Human Rights Act will ensure that legislators consider holistic implications of new laws while drafting. An Act will ensure that all future legislation is measured against these universal and inalienable rights.

While a Tasmanian Human Rights Act will only apply to local laws, it is an important step in accepting and recognising the rights of all people to, for example, health, education, housing and adequate food. It will provide a central resource for individuals to refer to when they feel their rights have been violated in whichever way. It is the perfect way for state politicians to tell the community they genuinely care about the issues Tasmanians face.

And once state politicians start speaking the language of human rights, perhaps their federal counterparts will follow suit.

For more information on the campaign for a Tasmanian Human Rights Act visit the website or Facebook.

Drug test them all

A burning question arises from Budget 2017. What drugs are Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull and his team on? There can be no other rational explanation for the inclusion of a total clanger in an otherwise mediocre and generally anticipated bunch of policies. On Tuesday, 9 May, Treasurer Scott Morrison announced money for health, education, and farmers, more taxes, a hit to the banks and a kick for anti-vaxxers. And right at the end, a surreptitiously adopted populist measure to piss-test the poor.

There is no point asking what Mal, ScoMo, and Social Services Minister, Christian Porter, were thinking, as it is abundantly obvious. Perhaps more shocking than the policy itself, is that the Coalition has listened to people other than its rich donors. Yet in doing so, it has embarrassed itself by proposing as serious policy, a fetid and ghastly brainfart.

Despite having an abundance of professionals, consultants and experts at their fingertips, the not-so-illustrious leaders have turned to the blokes and women in the pub, and eagerly adopted the worn-out mantra of the self-righteously indignant and resentful.

I get drug tested for my job, why should those bludgers be able to smoke a joint and get the dole?

I don’t want my taxes going to meth-heads and stoners.”

Why should my money go to junkies to support their habits?

One can only guess how the conversation went in the back rooms of Parliament House.

“ScoMo, old boy, I have a plan!”

Yet just what intoxicating substance did Morrison snort to make him think such a proposal would be even remotely passable as a “cost-saving” measure? What potent brain-fudger did Turnbull and his team of budgeteers imbibe to magic up such pointless twatwafflery?

What jollies they must have had from the thought of sifting through rivers of excrement in search of the elusive whiff of weed.

The proposal is simple enough, in fact it is inherently simplistic. Drug test 5000 random welfare recipients for cannabis, ecstasy or methamphetamine use. If they test positive, they go on the cashless welfare card, in an attempt to deprive them of funds to buy drugs. The new program will focus on recipients of Newstart and Youth Allowance payments in three locations, and the so-called “random tests” will use “a data-driven profiling tool… to identify relevant characteristics that indicate a higher risk of substance abuse issues.”

There is even a little bit of rehabilitative help thrown in to satisfy the bleeding-heart, leftie whingers who might claim that depriving drug-users of access to cash and the autonomy to spend it as they wish is a violation of their human rights.

That is pretty much it. A hair-brained plan to test a select proportion of welfare recipients for drugs most commonly used by lower socioeconomic groups in some kind of vain attempt to force them off drugs and back into the workforce.

In what alternative universe does the Government think restricting the cash flow to drug users and abusers will result in anything other than terrible consequences for the community?

Instead of a mature debate about drug use and abuse in the nation’s poorest demographic, Turnbull and co have opted for a puerile, infantile tactic to win the votes of mainstream Australia. In between inhaling sweet vapours and digesting fermented grape juice, they evidently thought it a genius move guaranteed to win widespread applause and nods of enthusiastic approval from the public.

Do they genuinely believe that brain-fried junkies will miraculously reform and de-addict overnight with the threat of Big Daddy-o taking the cash? What exactly do Turnbull and his completely out-of-touch Cabinet believe the “ice junkies” are going to do when they can’t fund their habit?

When there are no tax dollars at hand, they’ll go to the tax-payers directly.

Cue an increase in crime, thefts, robberies and drug-fuelled violence from the tiniest minority of people who rely on welfare and can’t kick the drugs.

Cue an increase in down-on-their luck Aussies who are humiliated and belittled by being subject to mandatory drug testing so they can feed their families.

Drug testing those on welfare is nothing more than a nasty, punitive, vindictive attempt to satisfy the lust for “fairness” from those begrudging that they can’t rock up to work high as a kite. If the conversation is about fairness and equality, the Government would enforce mandatory drug testing in every occupation and industry, or at the very least, for every position funded by the tax-payer, including themselves.

And if the conversation is about “moral superiority”, every person who supports this rancid proposal would insist every employee in every business who takes their money in whatever form be subject to testing too. Buying fuel at the servo? Don’t pay until the cashier provides a swab of saliva. Hitting up the market for Aussie-grown beef? No cash until the farmer gives a clean urine sample.

Or is drug use and abuse acceptable as long as the addict is employed?

But it’s not about drug use, or abuse, or the personal habits of total strangers. And it’s not about the alleged unfairness of drug testing in the workplace, which is to do with safety, not thinly-veiled ideology. It’s bred from the perception that those on welfare are living in a fancy, fun-filled, drug-fueled euphoric bubble of happiness. By contrast, the same people are not  dashing to quit their jobs to join the welfare-funded-party, and they rarely object to government-labelled-bad habits paid for with a weekly earned wage, no matter how big an eventual cost to the taxpayer.

Tobacco smoking, which is legal, is responsible for more drug-related hospitalisations and deaths than alcohol and illicit drugs combined. The National Drug Strategy Household Survey detailed report 2013 states that in 2010, “it was estimated that tobacco smoking was responsible for 8.3% of the burden of disease in Australasia, 2.7% was attributable to alcohol use and a further 2.6% was attributable to the use of illicit Drugs.”

Further, in 2013, 29.2% of the population aged 14 and over engaged in risky drinking in the previous 12 months, compared with 15% who took illicit drugs, and 12.8% who smoked tobacco daily. Of illicit drug use, more people misuse pharmaceutical drugs (4.7%) than use methamphetamines (2.1%).

Yet bashing the alleged drug-using-dole-bludger is a favoured sport of Australians, despite being three times more likely to be a victim of an alcohol-related incident than a victim of an illicit drug-related incident. It’s employed versus unemployed, rich versus poor, the-drug-of-choice-of-city-dwellers versus the-available-substances-for-the-rural-and-remote.

It’s the taxed demanding that they have a say on how public funds are spent, while demonising just a small percentage of the population, who, through circumstances unbeknown to the judger, are not employed.

Advocating for the imposition of paternalistic conditions on the poorest of Australians who are already below the poverty line under the guise of “helping” them, is pathetic.

The public does not get to choose where their taxes go, whether it be health, education, corporate benefits, infrastructure or politicians perks. Taxes fund all manner of vile and abominable purposes, for example federally funded religious schools using tax money to protect paedophiles, dropping bombs on the wrong fighters in Syria, torturing refugees on Manus Island and Nauru, and destroying the environment.

International examples have shown that drug testing for welfare does not achieve much at all, and costs a whole lot of money which could otherwise be used on medical and health based interventions which do work, for example evidence-based drug prevention programs and medically supervised rehabilitation. Instead, the Government continues to treat drug use and abuse as a criminal matter, subjecting vulnerable and psychologically distressed people to punitive action.

In the absence of support and access to suitable rehabilitative measures, what options do those addicted to drugs have? Who will employ them while they struggle to overcome their demons? Where will they get the money from that they need to live, feed their families, and admittedly, buy their drugs?

Australians need to accept that some people are not suited to the workforce, either temporarily or permanently. It makes sense, socially and economically to support them financially, as unpalatable as the general working population may find it.

However there may be a silver lining for those who think it is too odious to grant these people social security. The consequences for those vulnerable people subject to the Government’s program who cannot kick the habit and are denied the help they need are predictable. Overdose or suicide.

And dead people don’t need welfare.

Shelton blames it on the gays

Australian Christian Lobby (ACL) managing director, Lyle Shelton, had the shock of his life when he checked out the RSVP’s to his show, Making sense of our time with Lyle Shelton, on the morning of Tuesday, 21 February 2017. While his administrators were sleeping (or busy drafting homophobic PowerPoint slides), the internet went wild.

Approximately one thousand ‘activists’ were keen to send a message to the out-and-proud, anti-LGBTI crusader, and registered over 54,000 fake people to attend the event held at the Melbourne Heathmont Baptist Church on 25 February 2017. There was ‘Hugh Janus’, ‘Alternative Facts’, ‘Dolan Turmp’, ‘Lotsa Butthurt’ and ‘Lyle Shelton has a very scary face and I don’t like it’, to name just a few.

The epic trolling received a horrified reaction from Shelton. Disgusted by the rude, crude, satirical and comical made-up names, Shelton took the opportunity to blame the gays and cry victim. In fact, such was his fear of The Gay, Shelton felt compelled to hire three security guards to keep him safe from any foul-mouthed, filthy activists who might bother turning up to the event to hurl hurtful, made-up names at him.

While Shelton was busy being precious about his feelings, telling media the RSVP’s included “the foulest, most degrading, most obscene written forms of communication I have seen in my life,” he spares little thought for the consequences of his relentless vilification of the LGBTI community.

Satirical identity and the initiator of the RSVP campaign, Pauline Pantsdown, says that the “capacity of Lyle Shelton and the Australian Christian Lobby to falsely paint themselves as victims knows no bounds” and that it is “no surprise that the ACL attempts to reverse this narrative when activists oppose their frightening and dangerous behaviour”.

Pantsdown further states that the ACL has previously made “documented false statements about ‘death threats’ in relation to an earlier protest involving the Mercure Hotel” and that Shelton “[rubbished] federal police investigations about a suicide attempt because [ACL] weren’t painted as being victims”. Shelton’s victim mentality has now extended so far as to hire three security guards because “someone RSVP’d to their event as ‘Ben Dover’.”

Despite some of the names being undoubtedly obscene and likely to cause moral indignation and outrage, the campaign was entirely harmless; unlike the ACL’s agenda. Claiming to be a Christian organization, Shelton uses his position to further his personal vendetta, rather than fostering a caring, inclusive and compassionate society. Given Shelton’s open condemnation of the LGBTI community, it is little wonder he jumped at the chance to hold them entirely responsible for his angst over a few rude words.

But while Shelton was momentarily morally violated by the obscenities, the impacts of the ACL’s campaigns have far more serious consequences.

Shelton has a history of obsessing about the gay community, with approximately 69% of his Tweets anti-LGBTI. Terrified that people will think he’s gay,  he jumps at the opportunity to discuss LGBTI issues, hiding his anti-gay rhetoric behind faux-concern for ‘the children’.

He is a fierce opponent of same-sex marriage and the anti-bullying Safe Schools program, and is critical of other conservatives for not standing up to LGBTI community and the “unthinkable things” they support. He believes that implementing programs to address the high levels of bullying of LGBTI students is based on a “terrible ideology”, comparing the LGBTI movement to the rise of the Nazi’s in the 1930’s.

However it seems that Shelton is only concerned with the wellbeing of heteronormative children.

Pauline Pantsdown states that the ACL is “an organisation that places vulnerable transgender children under direct threat” and has “screwed up photographs of transgender children, re-photographed them and re-published them as a source of derision. Some government publications of lists of schools that support transgender children were withdrawn after children were harassed at schools, yet Shelton and his team continue to relentlessly hammer politicians to give them access to these lists.”

LGBTI people have significantly poorer mental health and higher rates of suicide than other Australians, with discrimination and exclusion key causal factors. The average age of the first suicide attempt is only 16 years of age.

Shelton’s gross overreaction to the ridiculous RSVP trolling provides a good insight as to what he considers to be acceptable ‘Christian’ behaviour: Obscene language and sexual references are morally reprehensible, even if no one is harmed, and divisive, anti-gay campaigns which contribute to the suicide of young people are perfectly fine as long as there is no profanity.



Hanson Rides High on Waves of Discontent

An ominous disquiet ripples across Australia. Anger, fear and frustration bubble away, with the occasional fiery flare on social media manufacturing outrage and another short-lived hashtag. Voter discontent, fury and helplessness simmer. Class and generational warfare grow stronger with hastily implemented Government policy unfairly clawing back billions from pensioners, families, the disabled and unemployed.

Punctuating the flickering angst, the media flings sensationalist stories of impending terrorist-inflicted carnage, interjected by the latest celebrity scandal, and allegations of refugees stealing jobs while bludging on welfare.

The major parties bicker and tie themselves in knots over the practical application of ideologically-generated cruelty. And while they seek to defend systematic and institutionally-supported expense rorting, Pauline Hanson continues to rise, a glowing phoenix emerging from of a puddle of stinking, rancid faeces.

Firing candidates for anti-gay remarks, and offering support for medicinal cannabis, she is charging ahead while the rest of the elected representatives fumble around in slush.

What is happening to Australia?

Social media is awash with petitions and memes declaring her to be the new saviour. According to the constant click-bait, Hanson is Brexit, Trump and the She-God-Almighty, destined to haul the wriggling, squirming nation back to greatness.

How has Australia come to this?


What grievous sin did ordinary people commit to have this woman and her motley crew of conspiracy theorists and right-wing nutjobs forced upon them?

It is clear Hanson’s popularity is growing. A recent poll in Queensland put her support at ten percent, almost double that at the 2016 Federal election. Apparently forty-five percent of respondents in a survey felt Hanson and One Nation addressed Queenslanders’ concerns better compared to other parties, with the results promoted as being support for Hanson as Prime Minister.

According to Queensland MP, Steve Dickson, a former LNP member who has now defected to Hanson’s One Nation Party, “the two major parties were out of touch with the electorate”, and “have lost their way.”

This is no surprise. According to Australian National University research, trust in Australia’s Government and faith in democracy reached an all-time low in 2016.

This was before the explosion of the latest politician expense scandal, and the unconscionable Centrelink debt debacle where welfare recipients are being intimidated into paying money back to Centrelink that they do not owe.

In the past decade, both the Coalition and Labor Party have fought to out-do the other on matters of public interest. They stand side by side in trashing basic human rights with national security and border control. Much of the rhetoric coming from the Abbott and now Turnbull Government is very similar to Hanson’s policies, despite Turnbull and his Minister’s seeking to distance themselves from the controversial Senator.

With trust in the major parties disintegrating rapidly, the Government’s anti-refugee, anti-immigration, anti-climate science policy adds believability to Hanson’s platform and reinforces the views of an alarmingly growing number of voters that Hanson is a credible option as the leader of Australia.

It would be suicide for Turnbull or Shorten to declare that refugees offer no threat to Australians’ way of life. It would be suicide for either major party to back away from the essential, yet suffocating so-called national security laws, such as the unnecessary and unfair visa cancellations and deportations which have mainly seen New Zealanders sent back across the water, or mandatory data retention, which is already suffering extraordinary scope-creep with a plan to use the data in civil cases.

On the back of such brainfarts as permanent visa bans for asylum seekers, shameful, paternalistic policies such as the cashless welfare card, and the ongoing torture of vulnerable people in island concentration camps, Hanson’s latest proposal to fingerprint every Australian and issue identity cards to cut down on welfare fraud, could almost be a current Liberal National Party policy.

The political climate is perfect for the rise of Saint Pauline.

Disillusioned, angry and frustrated with the system that doesn’t appear to work for them, thousands of Australians need and want change.

Hanson promotes herself as offering that change.

And thanks to the current batch of conservative politicians, her views are no longer seen as extreme. With policy differences so subtle the average voter cannot see the difference, she attracts people alienated by a Government so wrapped up in its own murky stench it cannot relate to the average worker.

Yet Hanson is no friend of the Aussie battler. She is not the answer. She may shake things up, cause a stir and rattle the establishment. But she will not make life better for Australians desperate for a share of economy, for a chance at success and a slice of the proverbial pie.

However the major parties have provided Pauline Hanson with the perfect environment to thrive.

With each new scandal, every new cut-throat act of this Government, disenchanted Australians are lining up to give the middle finger to the system.

And Hanson, like a phoenix will rise, to be the living embodiment of that finger.


Bearing the brunt of state-sanctioned thuggery: the Centrelink debt debacle

In a classic operation, most commonly perpetrated by telephone conmen and door-knocking scammers, the Turnbull Government has hit the jackpot. Boasting of returns of over $300 million after hitting up only 169,000 Australians, someone deep in the murky depths of Government has clearly been taking lessons from the lowest of predatory scumbags.

The operation, fondly promoted by the Government as a fair way to claw back taxpayer funds from those who were overpaid social security benefits, has reportedly caused significant angst among the most vulnerable in the community.

The debacle was first reported a couple of weeks before Christmas. In July 2016, the Government introduced an automatic debt identification and recovery system which compares annual income reported to the Australian Tax Office (ATO), with self-reports that welfare recipients provide to Centrelink on a fortnightly basis.

The results have been absurd.

Instead of providing people with a chance to address any identified discrepancy, the ‘system’ simply asks recipients to confirm their total income for the year on the MyGov website. If it accords with the ATO assessment (which it will, for any person who has correctly filled out their tax return and honestly reported their income to Centrelink), an automatic debt notification letter is sent where the system has calculated an overpayment.

Now this sounds fair enough – if a debt is owed.

But the process by which the system calculates the debt is scandalous. By averaging out annual earnings over 26 fortnights, it immediately assumes the person has earned income in every fortnight, was not entitled to benefits during the time claimed, and has therefore committed a fraud against the Commonwealth.

If a person disputes the debt, the Government still insists a payment arrangement is made to clear the debt.

If a person doesn’t pay the debt, it is quickly sent on to the debt collectors.

Those who allegedly owe a debt are threatened with jail if they do not pay.

Centrelink itself (the faceless Government organisation tasked with demanding money with menaces), has recommended distraught residents call the suicide prevention hotline, Lifeline, if they are concerned about receiving a debt notice.

Yet despite this blatantly clear admission of the trauma the system is causing innocent people, the Government is steadfastly proud of its money-making mission.

“From what we’ve seen in a high-volume system, it’s actually working incredibly well,” said Social Services Minister Christian Porter.

Here is some news for Mr Porter. Threatening people with unpalatable outcomes if they do not pay money (whether or not they owe it) is a tactic which has been used by unscrupulously vile and hideous individuals and criminal gangs for centuries to generate cash.

Why? Because it works.

If a person is terrified enough, they will pay up.

And when it is the Government making the demands and threatening to bring in the police for non-payment, there is little wonder so much money has already been collected.

The poor, the vulnerable and the disadvantaged have no chance against the state-sanctioned thuggery of the Turnbull Government.

The Government, in its attempt to save money and create efficiencies, has resorted to the lowest tactic possible: extortion.

Extortion is the practice of obtaining something, especially money, through force or threats. It is a criminal offence when practiced by any other individual. It is applauded as an efficiency when practiced by the Government.

While Porter continues to defend the unconscionable system, which violates every ethical principle and is an abuse of legal process, Deputy Prime Minister Barnaby Joyce attempts to distract from the shitfest by focusing on those who may have been genuinely overpaid.

“I make no apology for making sure that those who didn’t need it, who got it, pay the money back,” Deputy Prime Minister Barnaby Joyce said.

Little thought seems to have gone into the many innocent people who are caught up in the mess. The Government has admitted itself that around 20% of debt notices are falsely sent and those people owe nothing at all. Of course, the number of those falsely accused of owing money may well be higher if you consider some recipients have been accused of owing thousands of dollars, but may have been overpaid a mere ten or twenty dollars.

The outcry from the general public has been huge. The media, normally keen to stick the boot into the poor, has jumped on it, but the Government is holding its ground.

Just like the criminal underclass of old, who threaten, coerce and menace innocent people into handing over their life-savings, those responsible for the ‘Robo-Debt’ debacle stand firm. Instead of a baseball bat and balaclava, the Government uses the full force of the law and faceless institutions to muscle the vulnerable into submission.

The tactics used by the Government are nothing short of criminal. Those who are traumatized along the way, and who are pushed to the brink of suicide, are simply collateral damage in the Government’s quest to ‘balance the budget’. It has shunned due process and standard principles for debt identification and recovery. It is exploiting the most vulnerable and disadvantaged in the community for monetary gain.

Terrifying innocent people into paying money they do not owe is nothing to boast about. It represents a new low for the Turnbull Government.

But like all conmen and scammers, the only way to make the Government back down, is to show it Australians are not weak and will not put up with thuggery.

Every person who receives a debt notice must ask for a review, lodge a formal complaint if the debt is wrong, and contact the Ombudsman. Contact the media. Contact each and every politician involved, including the Opposition and local MPs.

This is a war on the poor that Turnbull cannot and must not be allowed to win.

Sneaky Fringe Benefits changes a cruel blow to working families

With no fanfare whatsoever, the Federal Government has launched yet another cruel attack on working families, directly impacting on their finances in the immediate term. The sneaky move, introduced part way through the financial year, will come into effect on 1 January 2017 and has the direct result of increasing the ‘incomes’ of working families, while offering zero tangible benefits and a guaranteed loss in real disposable income.

In a letter distributed this week, Centrelink has advised working Australian families that the way it calculates assessable income will change.

In just a mere two months, Centrelink “will use 100 per cent of your reportable fringe benefits, instead of the current 51 per cent, to calculate your rate” for Family Tax Benefit Part A and Part B, Child Care Benefit, Stillborn Baby Payment, Parental Leave Pay, and Dad and Partner Pay.

What does this mean?

Quite simply, any person who has negotiated in their salary package fringe benefits which exceed a total taxable value of $2,000 in a given Fringe Benefit Tax Year, will now have that total value included as ‘assessable income’ (instead of half) for the purposes of any family payments.

The astonishing increase, from 51% to 100% is not insignificant.

The increase in ‘assessable income’ (with no corresponding increase in actual income) may well be worth thousands of dollars and has the potential to be devastating to the finances of families who have used a perfectly legal mechanism to maximise their salary package and planned responsibly for their family finances.

This is an obnoxious attack on working families and makes absolutely no sense at all.

It doesn’t affect other couples or singles. The change has only a financial detriment to those who already have dependent children (or who are close to giving birth), and the financial consequences are now practically impossible to avoid.

The Government repeatedly insists that it wants women to return to the workforce after having children, it laments the lack of women in senior roles and leadership positions, it bemoans the burden that ‘non-working parents’ allegedly place on the taxpayer.

Yet here is a striking, crystal clear example of the Government deliberately disincentivizing families from attempting to improve their personal financial situations by negotiating favourable deals with employers to better their career prospects while balancing child-rearing responsibilities.

Parents of young children who have no option but to place their children in care if they return to work, are already faced with a huge cost for the privilege (even after Government rebates and benefits), while every dollar they earn goes against them. For many low income families, there is simply no financial benefit at all for both parents to work until children are of school age.

Yet for those who do manage to juggle young children, child care and work, every pay rise or offered promotion or increase in hours comes with the potential of a disproportionate hit to disposable income and the likelihood of tighter margins in which to meet financial commitments.

Responsible families plan and manage the costs, risks and consequences of raising a family and pursuing a career. Responsible families make decisions based on their outgoings and income and expected tax.

And now, the Government has completely changed the boundaries.

Fringe benefits are not the domain of the uber-rich. Ordinary, working families have access to salary packaging and those who do forego cash in place of a car or other type of benefit. And now those same families are being punished for making sound, sensible financial decisions to improve their personal circumstances.

Introduced part way through the year, the change in how income is assessed will impact the entire 2016-17 financial year at tax time. Any family who has, in good faith, honestly declared their income and either received a benefit or rebate, now runs the very real risk of owing Centrelink thousands of dollars in completely unintentional and unavoidable overpayments. This will particularly hit hard those who are just below a payment threshold, meaning they may owe the Government the entirety of any family tax benefit received throughout the entire financial year.

Of course, the Government cares nothing for the impact on working families. This Government has openly, repeatedly and actively attacked new parents and single parents, and has consistently attempted to find ways to reduce payments to the vulnerable, disadvantaged and unemployed. Yet now, even those parents who obtain paid employment to support their children are being actively punished.

The sneaky changes to reportable fringe benefits represent a new low in this Government’s vendetta against ordinary parents who are simply trying to make ends meet and raise a family. The lack of transparency around the changes demonstrates the contempt this Government holds all working families under.

It seems quite clear that the Government places no value whatsoever on working families and is determined to punish them for having a go.


“Hey, Minister, it’s called democracy.”

The time has come. In just five days, the people of Australia will vote. And the fate of the Minister in charge of one of the most contentious Federal portfolios, will rest with the people of Dickson.

A Minister who has not only reigned over some of the most odious, repugnant and vicious immigration policies Australia has ever seen, but has systematically applied them with heartlessness and cruelty.

A Minister who has applied those policies without a conscience, compassion or even the faintest sense of humanity.

A Minister who, it appears, foolishly forgot that he is only in the position he is; a member of the House of Representatives, because he was elected by the people of Dickson.

And a Minister, who is slowly realising to his horror, that the people of Dickson can vote him out.

That Minister is Peter Dutton.

Minister for Immigration and Border Protection.

The Minister who won’t be ‘blackmailed’ into letting pregnant refugees have access to proper medical treatment – even if they are suffering life-threatening medical complications, or are seeking an abortion after a brutal rape.

The Minister who claims he will keep Australia safe by deporting men who have never been found guilty of any crime; even if they are a decorated soldier, simply because of who their mates may be.

The Minister who mocked Pacific Islanders who are facing the real consequences of climate change.

The Minister who ordered his henchmen to stop and search random people on the streets of Melbourne.

The Minister who has ruled over a regime that supports and covers up the rape and abuse of women and children and the torture of innocent people who have committed no crime in seeking sanctuary in Australia.

The Minister who threatened to jail doctors, teachers and other professionals for speaking out about the abuse suffered by the innocent people held hostage in island prisons by the Government of Australia.

Dutton, as Minister of Immigration and Border Protection, has systematically appealed to the lowest common denominator, resorted to scaremongering, and pedalled outright lies in his attempts to justify his appalling policies. His pitiful claims that ‘illiterate and innumerate refugees would take Australian jobs’ show just the depths he is willing to go to, to incite divide and hate in the community.

And now, in a typical act of petulant whinery, Dutton is accusing ‘bikies’ and ‘union thugs’ of threats and intimidation because a group of disgruntled Queenslanders are protesting directly outside his office in the electorate of Dickson.

The ‘threats’ consist of holding placards encouraging voters to ‘Put the LNP Last’.

It’s easy to understand why Dutton might be so frightened by such a thing.

A coordinated attack on his very elected existence is the one thing that could see an end to his reign of terror.

And an attack involving his self-declared enemy; members of one percent motorcycle clubs, has struck fear into Dutton’s heart.

While Dutton has torn families apart, deprived young children of their parents, stranded long-term residents overseas, completely abrogated responsibility for the deaths, abuse and torture of people under this care, and persistently insisted he is doing so to protect the people of Australia, one of the very minorities he is targeting, is fighting back with democracy.

Grass-roots activism. People power.

Encouraging the voters of Dickson to put the LNP – and Dutton – last.

The terrifying reality of the precariousness of his situation has hit Dutton hard. Begging Opposition Leader Bill Shorten to tell the protesters to stop, Dutton has revealed the extent of his fear.

But it is not just protestors physically standing outside his office that Dutton need be afraid of.

GetUp! Has raised over $190,000 through public donations, to assist in the fight to unseat him.

For the past two years, the fate of thousands of people has rested in Dutton’s hands. But now the tables have turned. Dutton’s fate rests in the hands of the voters of Dickson.

It is time to hit Dutton where it hurts, with the thing he fears the most.


Dutton must stop holding pregnant women hostage

What kind of a sick, evil nation do we live in, where pregnant rape victims are held to ransom by the Government? What kind of vicious society forces a vulnerable woman to endure a pregnancy and consequent childbirth, against the strongest recommendations of doctors, simply to gain political points in a nasty campaign?

How tragic that S99 was raped while enduring an epileptic fit, causing her to become pregnant, in the months preceding a federal election.

How gruesome and abhorrent for Dutton to deny that he holds a duty of care to S99, all the while whisking her off to a third world nation where termination is illegal, to get rid of the problem.

How inconvenient for decision-makers, that refugee advocates keep trying to hold them to account, when they would prefer ‘policy’ was adhered to, even where that puts a woman’s life and mental health in danger.

There is a huge difference, emotionally, psychologically, and physically, in an abortion carried out in the first trimester, compared with the second or third. Yet this is not the first time that a woman who has suffered a violent assault while under the care of the Australian Government, who has requested a termination as soon as they have known about their condition, has had medical treatment delayed or denied.

And for what?

So a minister can use these innocent women as political playthings to satisfy the bleatings of the ignorant.

This is a government who sees no issue with torturing human beings who have sought asylum in Australia. A government who is content to subject real, live, viable human children to such awful conditions they are some of the most traumatised that health professionals have ever seen.

Yet these same animals delay a simple medical procedure for a vulnerable woman until it requires surgical intervention, because of politics.

And even then in some cases, delay it further, until the desperate woman, now able to feel the unborn move in her belly, is too conflicted to undergo the operation.

The ideology of the Australian Government puts these women in danger; Liberal and Labor politicians who defend the island concentration camps.

It is an undeniable fact that if not for their incarceration on Nauru, these women would not have been raped and consequently pregnant at this time. These women have been raped on Immigration Minister Peter Dutton’s watch, while under Dutton’s care. He cannot abrogate this responsibility. It rests with him.

Yet not only does he deny he has responsibility, he delays, day by day, week by week, month by month, the necessary medical treatment for these desperate women.

Even when a woman wants a pregnancy, many suffer from daily sickness and obvious physical side-effects. Anxiety, stress, depression, fear, and apprehension are all common. For women who have become pregnant from rape, forcing them to endure this for even a week through lack of action, is abhorrent.

Every week is critical. Every week delayed puts more torment on that poor woman and makes the moral decision even harder for women who may be culturally opposed to termination but quite simply cannot face having a child.

These politicians, forcing their moral opposition to termination on rape victims, by deliberate legal and bureaucratic delays, is vile and the worst kind of abuse.

The trauma and suffering the self-righteous moral crusaders inflict on these women is a million times worse than terminating a pregnancy.

Dutton and his cohorts erroneously insist the boats have stopped, they insist that lives have been saved, that no one has drowned in Australian waters under a Liberal Government.

Yet when a woman is raped while under Australia’s care and becomes pregnant, Dutton and his Department knowingly delay intervention, forcing a women to undergo the most riskiest journey of her life; pregnancy and childbirth: A journey, which in in a first world western nation, rarely results in death, but in third world countries accounts for almost 800 deaths a day.

How much more trauma does this Government intend to inflict to attempt to gain electoral advantage? Will S99 be forced to enter her third trimester before she is allowed a safe and legal abortion, simply because Dutton is fearful the floodgates of women deliberately allowing themselves to be raped and impregnated just to get into Australia will be opened?

The inhumanity is disgusting. The moral repugnancy is astounding.

Dutton’s actions, or more accurately, inaction, is repulsive.

This Government must stop holding pregnant women to ransom. It must stop exposing vulnerable women to sexual assault and abuse. It must stop denying it has a duty of care, and stop refusing immediate medical intervention.

The Coalition and Opposition are both complicit in the torture and abuse of innocent men, women and children. It cannot claim any moral fortitude by opposing the termination of an unwanted pregnancy.

Using rape victims as pawns for political point-scoring is vile. Refusing or delaying safe, legal termination of unwanted pregnancy when care is readily available, is a deliberate act of bastardry.

Under any other circumstances, the Government and authorities would be slammed viciously for their lack of action, but no, the Australian public allows this to continue, and endorses, with its silence, Dutton holding pregnant women hostage.

“They come for help and you torture them.”

Dear Mr Dutton,

Words cannot express just how disgusted I am in you and your Department.

It is clear that your abhorrent asylum seeker policies have nothing to do with ‘saving lives’ and everything to do with securing votes from bigots, racists and xenophobes.

I know it is too much to ask that you show empathy and compassion. You’re clearly too busy blaming refugee advocates for stirring up trouble instead of taking personal responsibility for the disasters happening under your portfolio, because that is just how you roll.

What will it take to make you change your policy? How many more women need to be raped? How many more children abused and traumatised? How many more men have to die from lack of medical treatment? How many more people will be pushed to attempting suicide because of your cruelness and inhumane stance?

How many more nasty, brutal, and completely preventable deaths must occur before you stop dragging out the same tired lines about ‘drownings’ and ‘people smugglers’ and ‘illegal arrivals’?

The cost of off-shore detention is no deterrent to your insistence on torturing innocent people. Clearly the illegality of Manus Island is no issue to your insistence that men be held there against their will. It is blatantly obvious that you would rather send a pregnant rape victim to a country where abortion is illegal than give her treatment in Australia.

It is evident that you would prefer refugees commit suicide than drown in the perilous crossing to Australia.

Is that because you can blame them for their choices? Do you really think a sane, rational person, with hope, opportunity and a safe home to live in sets themselves on fire?

How dare your Department not immediately bring Omid to Australia for treatment. How dare you let him suffer for hours with no morphine in a stinking, repulsive, ill-equipped hospital on Nauru.

You let him die, Mr Dutton, through you and your Department’s inaction.

And now, after your henchmen dragged an innocent women from her bed in Brisbane, a refugee who fled to Australia for sanctuary as a 16 year old, after you sent her back to Nauru, so desperate, frightened and full of despair, she too has attempted to kill herself.

This is also your fault, Mr Dutton.

Your treatment of these people is pushing them to desperate measures, and you stand back and watch them burn.

It is disgusting.

Don’t think I am all ‘misty-eyed’. Don’t think I’m not rational.

I am perfectly rational. I am not the slightest bit misty-eyed. I am angry.

Do not attempt to write me off as a teary, irrational, hand-wringing, bleeding-heart.

There is nothing irrational about my assessment of you as being one of the most vicious, evil and psychopathic Immigration Ministers Australia has ever seen. You have beaten Scott Morrison’s efforts hands down.

It is not acceptable to torture people to achieve a political purpose.

It is not acceptable to hold innocent people hostage to secure votes from ignorant racists.

It is not acceptable to send a pregnant woman to a country where abortion is illegal because your policy is to inflict as much suffering as you can on these people who seek our help.

It is beyond comprehension that you would leave a man to suffer with serious burns all over his body, because your policy is to torture asylum seekers to send a message to ‘people smugglers’.

It is abhorrent that you seek to win votes at the expense of innocent peoples’ lives.

Your current policy is unsustainable. It is unconscionable. It is disgusting.

You can change it, Mr Dutton. Or are you adamant that you go down in history as a man who willfully tortured innocent people to stay in political power?

If you think torturing these people gives you some kind of moral high ground over Labor because there have been no drownings in Australian waters in the past two years, you are gravely mistaken.

Torture is torture. Abuse is abuse. Deliberately traumatising men, women and children is despicable.

You cannot justify your treatment of these people in any way.

Enough is enough, Mr Dutton. I know that you do not care, and no amount of death, trauma and public outcry will make you change your mind. But you are being judged, and judged harshly by millions of Australians and the rest of the world.

And when you finally scuttle off from whence you came, history will record you as the vile specimen that you are: a man who deliberately inflicted the worst kind of treatment on innocent people, for the sake of votes and winning an election.


Eva Cripps

Sussan Ley: the best friend Cancer ever had

Cancer is one of the leading killers in Australia – it accounts for approximately 3 out of every 10 deaths. In many cases, it can strike without warning; young, old, rich, poor. Cancer doesn’t discriminate. Even the healthiest of people can be torn down by a cancerous cell.

The verdict from doctors is practically unanimous. If detected early, many cancers can be successfully treated. Instead of a guaranteed death sentence, a simple test can save the pain, heartache and trauma of millions of Australians and their families.

That simple test requires pathology services.

The same pathology services Health Minister Sussan Ley wants to decimate with her ill-informed and ominous cuts to the bulk billing incentive for providers.

The truth is harsh. The reality is brutal.

Sussan Ley’s plan to scrap the bulk billing incentive will result in preventable deaths.

The link is obvious. It doesn’t require a $100k degree to figure it out.

Already stretched to the limits, pathology providers have made it clear. No incentive, combined with frozen Medicare rebates means something has to change. Sussan Ley’s pathology cuts are the final straw.

So what does this mean for Australians?

With no incentive to bulk bill, pathology providers will simply charge up front for services. The patient will have to pay the full cost of tests, scans and x-rays at the time of consult, then seek reimbursement from Medicare.

There may be a gap: out-of-pocket expenses, and potentially every time, for every test.

If a person can’t afford the upfront costs for pathology services, they will simply miss out.

And people will die.

Cancers will go undetected until it is too late.

Serious illness and disease will go untreated.

Doctors will not be able to properly diagnose patients.

Chronic illnesses will not be properly managed, leading to further complications and onset of disease.

Preventable sickness will become the norm.

Sexually transmitted disease will flourish.

Pregnant women may forego routine testing putting the health of themselves and their unborn child in danger.

Hospital admissions may increase as people wait longer before seeking treatment.

The general health standards of low income, vulnerable and disadvantaged Australians may decrease, putting further pressure on already struggling hospitals, health and support services.

Men, women, children and babies will unnecessarily die.

And for what?

To save Sussan Ley a paltry $650 million over four years. $162.5 million a year.

The government has spoken.

It has put a price on a human life.

And that price is a measly $1-3 per test.

In 2014-15, 98.7% of out-patient pathology services were bulk billed.

There is absolutely no doubt at all, that after 1 July 2016 that percentage will decrease.

That percentage represents real people. Real people receiving 112.8 million pathology services a year (based on 98.7% of the 114.3 million out-patient pathology services provided in 2014-15).

That percentage represents mothers, fathers, daughters, sons, grandmothers, grandfathers, uncles or aunts who may have to decide whether to pay the rent, put food on the table, or be tested for Cancer.

For every 1% drop in the bulk billing rate, that is 1.143 million Australians forced to put a price on their health.

That’s $30 out of pocket for each of the 2 million routine pap smears estimated to be conducted a year (a crucial tool to test for early signs of cervical cancer in women).

That’s upfront payments of $93 for an x-ray, $396 for a CAT scan, a minimum of $85 for a mammogram, up to $186 for an ultrasound and up to $1,000 for a PET scan (according to the Australia Diagnostic Imaging Association).

Those stricken with Cancer may face initial upfront costs of around $1,500 and out-of-pocket expenses of up to $400 after receiving Medicare rebates. Over two years the costs could escalate to over $3,000, with out-of-pocket expenses of up to $725.

The 1.7 million Australians with diabetes may now face up to $400 a year in upfront costs just for basic urine and blood tests.

Cancer doesn’t wait for payday.

Cancer doesn’t care if you lose your capacity to pay because you’re too ill to work or your insurances have run out or your private health cover don’t include pathology services.

Cancer doesn’t care for vain attempts to win the lottery.

Cancer doesn’t care that bills need to be paid.

Savagely, fiercely, stealthily it comes, and it stops for no one.

Yet one simple thing has the chance to stop Cancer.

Early Detection.

And Sussan Ley has her heel planted firmly on Early Detection’s throat. As each day draws closer to 1st July 2016, she grinds her heel a little harder.

It won’t be long before Sussan Ley kills Early Detection, with any hope or chance for millions of Australians suffocated by the weight of Financial Hardship.

Sussan Ley is Cancer’s best friend. Which makes her the enemy of every Australian.

Unrelenting, emotionless and insidious, Sussan Ley’s refusal to acknowledge the devastating consequences of her policy, has much in common with Cancer.

When sickness, illness and disease hit home, lives are destroyed. People lose jobs and homes. The pressure it puts on families; physically, emotionally, psychologically and financially, is enormous.

When Cancer, or any other illness strikes; serious, chronic, terminal or otherwise, it is never just one test needed. Weeks, months, sometimes years or a lifetime of diagnostic treatment is required.

For millions of families, Sussan Ley’s cuts may well be a death sentence.

For millions of others, Sussan Ley’s cuts will be the final twist of the knife.

The Government’s wilful blindness to the ramifications of de-incentivising bulk-billing is staggering.

Yet it is not surprising.

It is election year. Sussan Ley’s cuts will come in before Australians have the chance to vote, but before the full force of the consequences are felt.

It is deplorable that the availability and affordability of diagnostic tools, which are crucial to properly manage the health of Australians of every age, are being played against the interests of massive corporations and businesses.

Bulk-billing should not be used as a tool to threaten the Australian public – all pathology services should and must be bulk billed. If the Government wants to make savings, it must find another way.

There is still time to make a stand. All the advances in technology, medicine and science will be futile if Australians avoid critical diagnostic testing. The best doctors in the world cannot save a life once the point of no return is passed.

Australians are not yet at that point. There is still time to tell Cancer to shove its viciousness, vileness and foulness somewhere dark and gloomy where it cannot take hold and destroy lives.

There is still time to make it clear to Cancer’s best friend, that Australians will not tolerate having their lives held to ransom by anyone, or anything, including an evil, callous, heartless pathogen.

Let’s bury Cancer, not Australians.

No Census anonymity? It is time to be afraid

There has never been a more terrifying time to be an Australian. Sure, there have been darker days, and longer nights, but nothing compares to the insidious and downright sinister moves of the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) to retain all the personal identifying information of every person resident in Australia from the 2016 Census.

The Government rotates between favoured bogey men. This has played out in many ways throughout history; there was the White Australia policy, the Yellow Peril, and Reds under the Bed.

Unsurprisingly, the latest iteration follows a predictable propaganda trail, with declarations of war against terrorists, war on bikies, and a crackdown on pregnant asylum seekers and their babies trying to blackmail Immigration Minister Peter Dutton.

But through it all, while the mainstream media shrieks and sensationalises and propagates mere nothings, while facts and evidence and reality is ignored, while more and more freedom-encroaching laws are enacted, harsher penalties are introduced and more powers are given to enforcement agencies, Australians have slept sound in the knowledge that their personal privacy, the daily workings of their lives, is, for the most part, protected.

As of the date of the 2016 census, this will no longer be the case.

For the first time ever, the ABS will retain the names and addresses in the Census of Population and Housing; all of which will remain linked to deeply personal and comprehensive responses, to ‘provide a richer and dynamic statistical picture of Australia through the combination of Census data with other survey and administrative data.’

What does this mean?

The answer is extremely obvious. The Government, through its various agencies, is building a comprehensive and detailed profile of every single person in Australia.

While the ABS claims to have processes and policies in place to prevent the release of such personal information, the naivety and sheer incredulities of such a claim is astonishing.

Since 2002, there has been at least 51 additional national security laws introduced or proposed, including new crimes, increased and expanded legal, police and intelligence powers, and greater government oversight; including the mandatory two year retention of metadata.

Since 2007, state and federal governments have ramped up the attack on so-called bikies, and introduced a range of extraordinary, far reaching, draconian laws, the vast majority of which don’t apply just to those committing serious organised crime offences, but impinge seriously on the basic human rights and fundamental freedoms of ordinary, law abiding Australians.

Laws have been passed by state governments to ban protesting, with ludicrous new penalties for people defending their rights and freedoms, and standing up to businesses or government ideology. Penalties are harsher for ordinary Australians standing up for their beliefs, than for a company director prosecuted over a workplace death.

The innocent majority are punished for the sins of the few, with lock out laws introduced, and completely disproportionate penalties for what are largely regulatory offences.

Doctors and other professionals have been threatened with two years jail for exposing and revealing child abuse and torture in Government sanctioned concentration camps. The right to silence, a fundamental protection for the innocent, has been seriously eroded, if not abrogated in part, with legislation across jurisdictions giving greater powers to alleged crime fighting commissions, and New South Wales attempting to abolish the right altogether.

All of these laws, in some way, violate the basic principles of Australia’s legal system. They threaten the basis of democracy.

But what have these legislative developments, as repulsive as they are, got to do with the ABS’s intention to retain the personal identifying information of Australians?


The national trend of tighter secrecy, greater control and abrogation of civil liberties has been fungating in recent years.

Detection, investigation, prosecution and government vilification depend entirely on agencies having access to personal information.





Personal information.

And now the ABS, with a stroke of a pen, has given the government the final piece of the puzzle. The ABS, collectors and harbourers of all things ‘data’, are connecting the dots to create the intricate map the Government so craves.

The ABS said itself in its media release: The Census information will be combined with ‘other survey and administrative data.’

The gross encroachment of rights and freedoms has nothing to do with keeping people ‘safe’ or ‘building a dynamic statistical picture’ of the population.

The Census information will be used for ideological warfare. Maybe not this year. Maybe not in the next. But it will be, because the tools will be there to allow it.

The ABS asserts for now, the personal information of Australians is safe. No doubt in much the same way the Immigration Department assured 10,000 asylum seekers their information was safe before inadvertently publishing it all online, exposing them to immense danger if returned to the countries they fled.

It is no surprise that the ABS, given the grave concerns about data protection and security, is jumping to assure people that the information will not be misused.

But the past is a great predictor of the future. And it’s about time that history was noted.

There was a time that people who obtained citizenship believed they, and their children, could finally call Australia home. There was a time when people could seek asylum on Australia’s shores by boat and not be detained in an island prison camp for years. There was a time when a doctor or teacher was obliged to report child sexual abuse, not be threatened with jail for doing so.

The time now, is a time for fear. With a Government already intent on targeting minorities, vilifying people because of their associations, and legislatively suffocating those who stand up for their beliefs, it is completely realistic that at some point, not too far away, the ABS data will be used for an entirely different purpose than the original intent.

Anyone who believes that the Census data, from 2016 and the years to come, won’t be used for sinister purposes is naïve and quite simply deluded.

‘If you haven’t done anything wrong, you have nothing to hide’ is little consolation when you have no way to hide even if you are innocent.

“The best way to deter criminals is to abuse and traumatise children.”

The repeated and consistent claim from both the Coalition Government and Labor Opposition is that the offshore detention regime is necessary to deter the people smugglers. Neither major party wants to see a return of asylum seekers drowning in Australian waters. Neither major party wants to encourage desperate people fleeing warzones to take the perilous journey across the sea from Indonesia to Christmas Island. Both major parties have adopted an approach of ‘the end result justifies the means’.

The ‘end result’ is the prevention of men, women and children drowning in Australian waters.

The ‘means’ is subjecting innocent men, women and children to such appalling conditions that they would rather die in a warzone than seek asylum in Australia.

In an attempt to stop people drowning, or rather, in an attempt to spare the rescuers the traumatic task of pulling dead bodies from the water, both major parties have adopted the most extreme of approaches. The offshore detention regime is designed to be so horrific, that people seeking asylum would rather not risk the journey. It is designed to instil such fear in them, that if they survive the sea crossing, they will instead face years of torture, abuse and a slow death through loss of hope.

But the major parties know they can’t publicly trade off ‘death by drowning’ with the ‘torture of innocent people’. Instead they claim the harsh regime is necessary to stop the criminal activity of people smugglers.

Seeking asylum is not a crime. People smuggling is.

Yet both major parties fully endorse a policy which punishes those seeking asylum, with almost no negative consequence at all for those who are actually breaking the law.

The policy of both major parties can be summarised as follows:

‘The best way to deter criminals is to abuse and traumatise innocent men, women and children.’

When spelled out this clearly, one must wonder just how Australia got to this position? At what point did our elected representatives become so morally devoid and ethically repugnant that they were prepared to torture innocent people to stop criminal activity?

The slow march to national shame and disgrace has been so gradual, so carefully engineered by political campaigners aided by simplistic slogans, that Australia as a nation has come to accept cruelty, evil and insanity as ‘normal’.

The application of the policy is as follows:

Men will be housed in detention centres where they are set to languish, without hope, opportunity or any semblance of humanity. They will be subject to abuse, physical attacks and torturous conditions until they lose the will to live. They will be vilified and degraded. They will eventually reach a point where they will attempt or successfully commit suicide, or beg to be returned to the country from which they came.

Women will similarly be housed in detention centres, where they are set to languish, without hope, opportunity or any semblance of humanity. They will be subjected to abuse, physical attacks and torturous conditions. They will have to beg for basic sanitary items. They will have to shower and toilet in front of male guards. If they are raped, they will be denied treatment and forced to remain living in the same vicinity as their attackers. If they become pregnant, they will be used as political playthings by the Government, with the main aim to provide a deterrent to criminals. If they have a complicated pregnancy they will be forced to give birth in a third world hospital which does not have the equipment or facilities to deal with high risk, complex medical conditions in mothers or babies.

And the children? Regardless of age, children and babies will be housed alongside their parents in stinking hot, rat infested tents. They will be denied access to hygienic living conditions, sufficient fresh water and appropriate education. They will be deprived of basic sanitation and forced to shower in front of guards. They will be subject to sexual abuse, rape and physical attacks. Children who are sexually abused will be forced to live alongside their attackers. They will be so traumatised that children under ten years old will be suicidal. 

If men, women or children disclose any abuse or assault against their person, the local police will ignore it. Australia will ignore it. Those who make complaints will be vilified.

Men, women and children will be pushed to the limits – so far that they suffer from serious mental illness and resort to self-harm.

Dare to flee a warzone? Dare to flee persecution, genocide and violence? Dare to come to Australia by boat? Australia will punish you.

The Australian Government is doing everything within its power to make sure the people who dare to help themselves by escaping traumatic circumstances are subjected to the worst possible torturous treatment. It has made every attempt to make the living conditions so devastating that the detainees will beg to be sent back to their former hell.

It matters not, to Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull, Opposition Leader Bill Shorten, Minister for Border Protection Peter Dutton and Shadow Minister Richard Marles, that the people being punished and effectively tortured by the Australian Government have not broken any law.

As far as both major parties are concerned, the best way to stop the people smugglers is to inflict as much pain, damage and trauma on their human cargo as possible.

The punishment for not drowning at sea is the state-sanctioned torture by the Australian Government.

The reward for people smugglers attempting to smuggle people to Australia is cash payments to return to Indonesia and/or freedom.

Both major parties know the offshore detention regime is repulsive. That is the only reason they both fully endorsed and supported the law which threatens doctors, nurses, counsellors and other professionals with two years in prison for speaking out about the abuse.

The offshore detention regime may be legal, but it is immoral. There is simply no ethical or moral justification for deliberately subjecting innocent people to abuse in an effort to deter those who will break the law.

The major party’s state they want to take a compassionate approach to asylum seeker policy while also ensuring the people smugglers are stopped. Perhaps then, instead of torturing people seeking asylum, the Government can quickly process their claims and free them. And instead of rewarding people smugglers with cash payments, new boats and freedom, they can arrest them, charge them and have them tried in a court of law.

The policy of punishing the innocent to deter offenders is a national disgrace.

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