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Comparisons aren’t always valid

By 2353NM  

In September 2018, soon after the overthrow of Malcolm Turnbull, Scott Morrison gathered his Ministerial troops and set course for Albury on the NSW/Victorian border. His objective was to pay homage to the founder of the Liberal Party, Robert Menzies. Morrison’s ‘heartland’ speech, entitled ‘Until the bell rings’ was presented under the auspices of the Menzies Research Centre. The Centre is (according to its website):

dedicated to defending the principles of freedom and enterprise espoused in Australia by Sir Robert Menzies and his successors John Howard, Tony Abbott and Scott Morrison, among others.

As well as the usual ‘reports’ that think tanks produce, the Menzies Research Centre has been identified as an associated entity of the Liberal Party and organises an annual John Howard Lecture by an international figure.

At the time of making the speech, Morrison was attempting to heal the rifts in the Coalition Government due to the recent leadership bloodletting. He claims he was a bystander in the stoush between Malcolm Turnbull and Peter Dutton, only coming in (with sufficient apparently pre-organised numbers) on his ‘white charger’ where he saw the future of the Coalition Government was at risk.

Morrison’s speech eulogised Menzies and attempted to draw favourable comparisons between the current Coalition Government and the Coalition Government of the Menzies era. It is a pity the reality doesn’t match the mythology.

In the 1962 Federal Election campaign, then Leader of the Opposition, the ALP’s Arthur Calwell promised to ‘eliminate unemployment’ and on the way to doing that, create a deficit of £100 million. Prime Minister Menzies, declared that the proposed ALP deficit wasn’t enough to expand the economy, promising a deficit of £120 million.

Mr Menzies’ second stint as prime minister lasted from 1949 to 1966.

For his last nine budgets he delivered deficits, and the size of his last deficit, at 3.3 per cent of gross domestic product (GDP), was 0.3 per cent larger than the deficit in Wayne Swan’s last budget in 2013.

So why wasn’t the public angry?

Because Australia’s economy, like economies in other western nations, grew strongly in the post-war period.

In the 1940s, its average growth rate was 3.8 per cent.

In the 1950s, it was 4.2 per cent.

In the 1960s, it was 5.3 per cent.

And that constant growth meant the size of Australia’s government debt relative to the size of the economy (the ratio of debt-to-GDP) shrank dramatically, too.

All while the government was handing down budget deficits.

Ironically, in the light of the recent discussion about the difficulties of importing essential equipment in the middle of a pandemic, and Morrison’s recent epiphany to supporting government subsidies to keep manufacturing on shore, Menzies claimed in the same 1962 speech:

We look at the works programmes of the states and we think they are very good programmes. They are very good indeed,” he said.

“Without them and without our works programme, private industry could not grow. It could not employ people. It could not see them housed and provided with transport, schools and all the amenities of a civilised society.”

He said his next great objective was to oversee a “steady and strong growth” of manufacturing.

The Australian Government’s budgets for the past 20 years teach us that unlike a household budget, there can be a considerable period of time where the government spends more than it receives and there is still money available. As Calwell and Menzies were arguing over who had the larger deficit in 1962, the last 20 years of deficits are not unusual, despite the now constant demands from both sides of politics that we should ‘live within our means’ as well as cutting or limiting essential services and desirable programs to operate with reduced funding so the ‘budget can return to surplus’.

While the term is new, the concept of ‘Modern Monetary Theory’ was obviously understood half a century ago. ABC online has a far better explanation than we have space for to discuss why the Australian Government budget doesn’t need to ‘balance’ — unlike our household budgets.

If Morrison wants to bask in the reflected glory or make comparisons between the Menzies era and the Abbott/Turnbull/Morrison governments, it is his right to do so. However there are some large ideological differences between them. Menzies understood that the need for provision of services to a ‘civilised society’ was of greater importance than running a budget surplus and ‘paying down debt’. You could wonder if Menzies would disagree, as some more recent Liberal Party Parliamentary Leaders have publicly done, with the current government’s claimed adherence to Liberal Party traditional ideology. Tax cuts and business deregulation have a place, however as Menzies suggested, provision of infrastructure and services required by the population of a civilised society are far more important.

What do you think?

This article was originally published on The Political Sword

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Worrying Aspects of Climate Change

By Keith Antonysen  

There is one thing that those sceptical of human caused climate change get right, they say the climate has always changed. Except, that is not the end of the matter; the irony being for sceptics that greenhouse gases have been the reason for climate changing in the past. Please view the hyperlinks.

Climate Scientist Scott Denning provides some very worrying comments about the wild fires in Colorado. In relation to the last Ice Age he wrote: “… 18,000 years ago, the world warmed about 5 degrees Celsius (10 F) over 10,000 years. That’s a rate of 0.1 degree per century.”

An increase in temperature to 1.5C above the pre-Industrial period may occur by 2030. Scientists from Exxon postulated from the data they had nearly four decades ago that global warming could increase by 1.5C. As displayed by the Complaint, the amount of CO2 and temperature increase were quite accurately posited by the Exxon scientists as displayed by the Figure 3 graph.

Apart from setting temperature records in September 2020, other very profound costs have been incurred for the month and also the year. Some extreme events have cost billions of dollars’ worth of damage each, destroyed homes and businesses, infra-structure destroyed, bio-diversity destroyed and human lives lost.

Yet, our Australian politicians in the main take no notice and prescribe more policies which amplify climate change.

Keith Antonysen has been researching climate change for decades. Apart from reading about climate science, Keith also views pseudo-science presented by contrarians. It seems that the material referenced by contrarians is continually recycled.

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‘Letters’ Tells Urgent Tale of Bushfire Survival in new film supporting Climate Change Act from Photoplay

Media Release, 21st October 2020 – Photoplay Films has launched the provocative ‘Letters’, a film aiming to raise awareness and mobilise political support for the Climate Change Act.

Directed by Melvin J. Montalban, the campaign film encourages Australians to write to their local member of parliament urging them to support the new Climate Change Act, legislation essential to meaningful climate change action.

Part of a wider campaign, ‘Letters’ aims to assist independent MP Zali Steggall in introducing her Climate Change Bill to parliament this November and launches in tandem with Global Climate Change Week across social media.

You can view ‘Letters’ here.

Montalban says: “My family and I were on the south coast when the bushfires swept through last summer. The local community banded together to support us, despite the desperate situation. From having no power to pump petrol or to buy food at the grocery checkout, to mobile reception being cut out, and with it access to the fire warning app, everyone was left to overcome a dangerous situation in a very vulnerable state.

“Haunted by this trip, I wanted to make a film to not only document this experience, but to also address climate action in a productive and hopeful way, so that we can compel our politicians to enact change.”

Photoplay executive producer Oliver Lawrance says: “The film was made just before the world shut down for COVID-19, when bushfires were our most pressing problem, but the challenge of climate change remains urgent and enduring. Letters aims to harness people’s desire to do something meaningful, by encouraging them to sign the petition, write to their MPs and help bring about this very real, achievable goal of an Australian Climate Change Act.”

MP Zali Steggall adds: “The impacts of climate change represent the greatest threat to our national security, economy, health and environment. But if we implement an effective plan now to deliver Net Zero by 2050, we can create a safe and prosperous future for ourselves and our children. This is an issue that unites everyone across the political divide. People all over Australia are getting involved. Thank you for this thought-provoking film, highlighting the need for urgent action. Together, we can make it happen.”

The proposed Climate Act seeks to ensure the long-term safety, security and prosperity of Australia by achieving Net Zero emissions by 2050. To sign the petition visit: #climateactactnow.

Visit the Facebook page here.

Campaign Credits:
Writer / Director: Melvin J. Montalban
Producer: Tom Slater
Executive Producer: Oliver Lawrance
DOP: Tania Lambert
Production Designer: Emma White
Casting: Stevie Ray at McGregor Casting
Editor: Matias Bolla
Sound Design: Georgia Collins
VFX: Alexander Pattinson
Post: ARC Edit, Blackbird and Electric Sheep
Composer: Johnny Higgins

 

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Dan Andrews stares down the lynch mob

By Ad astra  

If you detest Dan Andrews and want him gone, stop reading now. What follows will not please you.

As a citizen of Victoria I am incensed by the continual attacks on our premier. It’s not surprising that the State Opposition leader, the hapless Michael O’Brien, attacks Andrews in his usual censorious manner. But why are so many others targeting Andrews, who tries so earnestly, day after day, to do his best for us, the people of Victoria? Notwithstanding the mistakes he concedes he has made, who could doubt his sincerity, his earnestness, his diligence and his devotion to his job?

His attackers resemble a lynch mob, determined to string him up. Who are they?

I’m referring to people who work in the media. Journalists, news editors of print and electronic outlets, proprietors, and the moguls who control the media; you know who they are.

To get the anti-Andrews drift, you have only to read the newspaper headlines, watch the top stories on TV, or listen to the comments of the political elite.

But for a daily dose of political aggression and arrogance, listen to Andrews’ daily briefings on COVID-19. Without fail, he turns up to update us and to answer questions. He stays at the lectern until those present have exhausted their questions. It is not the number of questions that are directed to him that best characterise lynch mob behaviour; it is the tone of them, the arrogance they portray.

Many of his interrogators seem angry with him, keen to trip him up, eager to embarrass him, hell bent on making him uncomfortable. His calm, measured responses annoy them, so they up the ante with more assertive questions that cast doubts about the veracity of his answers. Words such as ‘surely’, ‘wouldn’t you agree’, ‘you must admit’ embellish their questions. Those who lead the lynch mob ask the same questions over and again, Now they are asking: ”Will you now resign?” Every time he offers them the same answer.

Those of you who have chooks will be familiar with the ‘pecked chook’ syndrome, where one chook is set upon by the others, who will peck it to death unless it is separated from them. They attack the head of the hapless chook until it bleeds. The blood evokes more frenzied pecking, and so on it goes until the poor animal is dead. The lynch mob displays such behaviour.

The same mob is there day after day. Andrews knows them by name. Watch them. Listen to their words. Observe the tone of their questions. Note their persistence with the same line of questioning. You can’t miss the pleasure they display as they peck away, hoping they can upstage their colleagues by drawing the first blood.

One inquisitor appears every day to lead the mob. Her questions are always acerbic, aggressive and accusatory.

Andrews often points out that his inquisitors have asked the same question time and again, and that his answer is the same. Clearly, he becomes frustrated, tired of the repetitive questions. But he patiently stays at the lectern until they run dry. And returns the next day for another round. His patience seems to have no bounds.

Recently, he has wisely exposed some of his team to the questioning ordeal. It has taken some heat off him, but has not tempered the questions.

Never willing to miss an opportunity, Morrison government ministers wait in the wings ready to take peck at him. Greg Hunt and Josh Frydenberg, and now Alan Tudge, acting immigration minister, have relished being a proxy for PM Morrison, who has chosen to keep his nose clean by hiding in the background. In the past few days, they have chosen to provoke Andrews by enabling arrivals in Victoria without notice. These people have simply appeared without proper documentation and some have on-travelled elsewhere, leaving Andrews astonished and angry. It is hard to avoid the conclusion that they were trying deliberately to provoke him.

Perhaps though, what has annoyed the lynch mob most is that Andrews’ strategy for controlling the spread of COVID-19 in Victoria has worked. The number of cases has been falling steadily. This past weekend, record low figures were achieved. As a result, restrictions have been eased, as promised, with more to come next weekend.

Whatever he does though, it will never be right, never enough for his detractors.

The painful reality for the lynch mob though is that Andrews has stared them down, and they don’t like it.

This daily inquisition is demeaning, unnecessary, unbecoming, and a pox on our politics. It must now stop.

This article was originally published on The Political Sword

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Ruby-faced Gladys

By John Haly  

Poor old gullible Gladys #koalakiller Berejiklian has all the emotional desires, so many of us have, and the demands of a taxing job that exacerbates her needs. She has always known she might have a lot to deal with, which explains why she has consolidated so many public departments. She just had to silence so many disparate voices making weekly demands of her, to lessen her obligations so that she could focus on matters of the heart. I mean, how many of us have not made the perfect choice of partners, that in later years reflectively ask, “WTF was I thinking?” Give her a break; it was a one-off mistake. “Princess” Gladys’s ruby complexion is a reflection of her private embarrassment. Her handling of public matters, although, has been exemplary – according to her liberal colleagues. I mean, it’s not like she makes a lot of mistakes as a public servant.

So she spent too much money on ferries built overseas with asbestos and too tall to fit under bridges in Parramatta River. But who could have predicted that? So her trains don’t fit the rail lines or go through the tunnels in the Blue Mountains. But who else could have built those trains? Bejesus, who goes to those places by ferry or train anyhow! So she allowed state forests to be logged and Koala habitats to be destroyed. So she approved the expansion of a quarry in the Hunter which will eliminate 52 hectares of prime koala habitat. So she asserted that those lazy public service bludgers (aka “essential workers“) were not worthy of a mere 2.5% wage rise during a recession. Besides the coffers were depleted after the extravagant pay rises awarded to all 65 coalition politicians in Macquarie St earlier in 2019. Still, some public servants were rewarded, such as the $87K rise to our Police Commissioner. You know him, Mick, the fellow who defended the laws Gladys brought in to strip search our kids. A sentiment echoed by the NSW Police Minister, David Elliott.

She is so good with money, though. She got one million dollars for Vales Point Station. Not her fault that it was valued at $730M. Yeah, OK, there were a couple of over-runs. I mean, who doesn’t overrun a budget on the light rail by $3B and Stadiums by $100M Sadly the modern revamp to replace that old “dump” of a Museum at Ultimo which they were very keen to give to their donor property developers, will be retained after protests by all those caffe-latte-drinking leftist protestors. Moving the Powerhouse Museum to a flood plain was a mistake anyone could make when it was such a dry season, that bushfires were all the rage.

Speaking of the worst bushfires in NSW, wasn’t that a confusing time? Not helped by allegations that Gladys refused assistance by the Navy for fire-threatened south coast towns. Berejiklian pulled up short of suggesting our honourable prime minister was lying. Eliminating public service bloat is important – achieved by cutting rural fire service capital expenditure by 75% ($49.9M). These were efficiency dividends, and besides, they still had 25% of their funds. Such unneeded bloat was presumably why she needed to get rid of 26 out of the 36 specialist fire management officers responsible for doing hazard reduction? Ten officers are more than enough for a State area of over 80M hectares. Slashing 500 full-time positions from National Parks and Wildlife was just being economically rational, surely? She was just clearing the bush her own way, and who could have predicted climate change would result in more significant fires? Probably why she thought cutting $12.9M from the state’s Urban fire fighting budget was an act of foresight.

 

Blackened Home of Ash

 

Think of all the generous help she gave the federal government and irrigators by supporting the water trading of the Murray Darling Water Plan designed in 2012 whose Authority acted unlawfully when it “completely ignored” climate change projections for the determination of water allocations. Gladys did later begin to recant by considering new water-sharing plans for the Namoi River and water registries. This didn’t include the water registries of Helen Dalton’s Bill which would have listed MP’s water interests. That unsuitable Bill was allowed to lapse. Unlike the Broken Hill pipeline or profitable fracking at Narrabri that threatened water security, as they’d already been approved and one doesn’t want to antagonise donors by reversing decisions! So country towns in NSW ran out of waterWarragamba Dam got polluted, and we had to resort to the desalination plant in Kurnell that relies heavily on fossil fuels to run, making Sydney resident’s water bills to rise. Gladys Berejiklian’s degrees were in Arts and Commerce, so it is unfair to expect her to understand climate science and the causality of events that lead to droughts. It is no wonder she refused to meet with representatives of the Menindee Lakes. I mean, what did they expect her to do, raise the fish from the dead? Folks just expect too much from our Premiers who are far too busy meeting reputable donors or partaking in $950/ticket luncheons (a price just under the $1K disclosure guidelines) with dignitaries.

Westconnex Protest issues list

Gladys is good for business. She is raising so much money for her donors from the public and transport industry, via Sydney’s nine toll roads with a locked-in 4% rise in tolls per year till 2060. That donor, Transurban (Westconnex), may have struggled with the planning to get NSW’s road infrastructure built, but Berejiklian’s support did not waver. She not only supports her generous donor, but her ongoing support to the legal industry has been commendable. NSW will be tied up in litigation for decades because of the compulsory acquisitions of houses and the structural damages to still-standing homes wrought by Westconnex’s construction activity.

Let’s not forget the prescience she exhibited when she hired Aspen Medical (whose director hid $15M in the British Virgin Islands) for $57m for COVID-19 work in Newmarch House (which had 19 Aged Care deaths) and for that lovely cruise ship, the Ruby Princess! She seeks out the “best quality” advice when she needs it. But these errors are past us, and now our business-focused Premier has this COVID-19 infection all under control, almost!

The implications of corruption implicit in this ICAC investigation are over the top, surely? It’s not like someone gave Gladys a bottle of Grange Hermitage that she forgot. Although memory failures featured significantly in her testimony to ICAC, but then who needs an excellent memory to run a State? It’s not like she was accustomed to maintaining a detailed memory with “meticulous focus on every minor policy detail“.

I mean has the shock, horror, scandal news rags of Murdoch said anything critical of Gladys other than she had been “falling for a bloke called Daryl? Of course not, so honestly, there isn’t anything to be seen here. Just move along and don’t forget to vote them back in, on March 2023! Besides, who will remember any of her government’s small foibles by then?

Fine wines & good times.

 

This article was originally published on Australia Awaken – Ignite your Torches.

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Creating the Australian New Deal

By Christian Marx

Right now, here in Australia we are facing the biggest job crisis since at least the Great Depression of the early 1930s. The COVID-19 virus is the final straw that has broken the camel’s back. The ugly truth is that we have had three decades of rampant globalization via the weakening of import tariffs and the complete offshoring of manufacturing, and now even the service industry.

Try getting technical advice for an electrical product here in Australia. You have more chance of getting a job! (And that is saying something). Almost all technical advice comes from places as exotic as India, or as far away as Manila in the Philippines. These poor buggers get paid about one fifth of what an Australian worker would. Corporations love to exploit cheap labour!

This current morally bankrupt government has no intention of creating jobs. It suits their neoliberal dogma to keep the masses desperate for an ever-dwindling amount of jobs. This of course benefits their donor class. The millionaires and in some cases, billionaires need people desperate as this creates willingness to work for poor remuneration and increasingly precarious conditions.

The usual jackals in the media howl down any raise in Newstart for fear of upsetting their puppet master in New York, and the LNP`s grand plan for a brave new world. This author finds it unconscionable that in the middle of a near depression with nearly 14% out of work, or almost two million Australian adults jobless!

In the middle of a job’s crises to pair back the temporarily-raised Newstart and JobKeeper programme is economic suicide. The poorest tend to spend any money they are given, namely on rent, food and essential items. This money then goes straight back into the economy.

Instead, what do these reprobates do? They give more tax cuts to the upper-middle-class and the very rich. This money is unlikely to be put back into the economy. Rather, it will end up in shares, trust funds or some other investment.

The only way to get this country back on its feet economically is via a New Deal jobs programme and robust social safety nets for those who have fallen on hard times. In fact, even that bastion of capitalism, America embarked on their own ‘New Deal‘ under Roosevelt in 1933.

America was on the brink of collapse due to the stock market crash and the greed of the capitalist class of 1929.

Private capital had no stomach for creating jobs and large projects that benefitted the populace as there was no profit to be made in the short term, and they were unwilling to spend what was needed to kick-start the economy. History is now repeating throughout much of the Western world!

This new deal consists of three key goals: Relief from the harshness of unemployment and poverty, re-starting the economy, and reforming the corrupted financial system (which caused the depression in the first place).

Neoliberal capitalism was already failing badly before COVID-19. Now it has totally collapsed. Only the very rich and their cronies in media and government benefit from this hard-right dogma. Neoliberal capitalism is all about transferring public institutions into private, for profit hands. We have seen how disastrous this has been across a whole range of services.

One of the greatest failures is the bloated, for profit job agencies, which do bugger all to find people jobs while pocketing huge subsidies from the government. This system is financed to fail. Contrast this to the wonderful Commonwealth Employment Service which was run not for profit and was excellent at placing workers into jobs.

Under a New Deal we can create 100% employment and provide full-time jobs for all those who need it. There is plenty of work to be done! Infrastructure and community service is crying out for more help! Added to this is to create a robust social safety net to at least above the poverty line. $500 per week indexed to average wage increases would be a good figure.

Nobody needs to be in poverty in a country as rich as Australia. This is just a political decision to favour a small number of business scions and power brokers in the media. In fact, we had one of the best social security systems in the world in the 20th century, and we didn`t collapse into insolvency!

Which brings me to another great myth that needs to be smashed. The lie perpetuated by sock puppets in the mainstream media, and sadly even lately by the ABC! The bulldust that financing social programs and raising unemployment benefits will create more debt. This is garbage, and the politicians know this.

A sovereign nation that owns and controls its own public Federal Reserve cannot go into debt to itself. Money can be created and be allocated to where it is needed. Yes, it is true that we need to keep an eye on inflation, but this is what federal taxes are for. Taxes provide a break on runaway inflation by taking some money out of the system.

State taxes do operate on a different level to federal taxes however. Federal tax just takes this money out of the system… however state taxes are used to fund important public works such as infrastructure etc. I believe that Modern Monetary Theory is the way of the future and will free us from the ideological nonsense of neoliberal capitalism, which has proven to be an absolute basket case in every major Western nation!

In summing up, the only way out of poverty and joblessness is for the public sector to work again and to regulate the worst excesses of private capital… which even pre COVID-19 had driven us to the point of extreme hardship, transferring wealth to the very rich, while making it harder for every day folks to survive let alone thrive. Scandinavian countries are an excellent example of what could be achieved with the political will. So far, the only major party that has touched on creating a New deal is the Greens, who are advocating a Green New Deal.

Under this radical new approach, we could eliminate poverty, create an abundance of well-paying jobs, and in turn kick start a very moribund economy. Be bold and be visionary, people! We can do this if we embrace Modern Monetary Theory. Of course that would mean the wealthy job creators would have to compete with the public sector and provide decent wages, full-time jobs, and good conditions… which is exactly what they have been avoiding for the past 30 plus years!

Christian Marx is a political and social activist interested in making the world a fairer place. He has a Bachelor of Social Science and has a keen interest in sociology, politics and history. He was one of the organizers of the March in March rallies in Melbourne and is the founder of the progressive news and information site: Don`t Look At This Page.

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Peter Dutton won’t be taking detained refugees’ phones

By Paul Gregoire  

The controversial bill to outlaw phone use by refugees has been defeated, enabled by popular vote, advocates and a public poll.

A significant victory was claimed by the Australian campaign to uphold the rights of wrongly detained refugees in this country, when Senator Jacqui Lambie announced last Friday that she’ll be voting against depriving immigration detainees of contact with the outside world.

The outcome is noteworthy because Lambie didn’t make any backdoor political deals in coming to her decision. She threw her vote open to the public, asking what they thought. And of the over 100,000 people who got back, an overwhelming 96% asked her to vote against it.

Set to be voted down in the Senate this week, the Migration Amendment (Prohibiting Items in Immigration Detention Facilities) Bill 2020 was all about removing mobile phones from those in immigration detention, as well as expanding the search and seizure powers of officers.

Despite the usual nasty rhetoric coming from the department to justify why these people should be cut off from the rest of humanity, Lambie made clear that detainees aren’t organising “riots” on phones, but rather they’re texting “friends and family” and watching “YouTube videos about cats”.

Credit must also be extended to the hundreds of thousands in the community – the supporters, civil society groups and politicians of all persuasions – who ensured that all immigration detainees won’t be deprived of this vital lifeline, including the Medevac transferees hauled up in hotels.

A victory inside

“I would like to express my sincere appreciation to all the amazing people who voted no to what Jacqui Lambie created,” said 34-year-old Kurdish refugee Mostafa Azimitabar. “And I’d also like to thank Jacqui Lambie for supporting us on this and letting us have our phones.”

“I would like to express my sincere appreciation to all the amazing people who voted no to what Jacqui Lambie created,” said 34-year-old Kurdish refugee Mostafa Azimitabar. “And I’d also like to thank Jacqui Lambie for supporting us on this and letting us have our phones.”

“Sometimes I feel my phone is alive,” the long-term detainee continued. “I can be in touch with my family and friends, first of all. And also, I am in touch with my lawyer and some doctors,”

“I feel I am not alone. I don’t feel homesick. And it helps me not to give up.”

 

 

Mostafa, or Moz, is currently being held in Melbourne’s Mantra Hotel, along with around 60 other former offshore detainees, who came to Australia for treatment after two doctors assessed it as necessary, and the minister checked and then gave approval, under the now revoked Medevac laws.

Indeed, Moz and other rights advocates both inside and outside detention, ran a successful campaign on 1 September that involved calling the office of acting immigration minister Alan Tudge to tell him that confiscating refugees’ mobile phones wasn’t on.

“This is a small victory. It means that the power of the people is stronger than the politicians,” Moz told Sydney Criminal Lawyers. “And these people who wanted us to keep our phones, I am sure they want us to be free.”

Itching to deny them

Dressed up in the scare tactic rhetoric of minister Tudge’s second reading speech on it, and its numerous provisions, the Prohibiting Items in Immigration Detention Facilities Bill doesn’t overtly indicate that mobile phones and internet-capable devices are its main target.

But considered alongside what had come before, its aim is obvious.

Back in February 2017, then immigration minister Peter Dutton and the Australian Border Force launched a new policy that aimed to confiscate the mobile phones of everyone in immigration detention.

Prior to the enforcement of this prohibition, the National Justice Project obtained a temporary injunction, which the not-for-profit legal service followed up with a class action that culminated in the Federal Court ruling in June 2018 that the department couldn’t confiscate detainee’s property.

The Federal Court initially knocked back a Dutton-led challenge to the temporary injunction in August 2017, so the minister then went about introducing the first version of the prohibiting items legislation in September that year, which simply went on to lapse.

Then in May, when federal parliament met for three emergency sitting days to deal with legislation that couldn’t wait until after the pandemic, Dutton and Co made a renewed attempt to bring about laws to confiscate refugees’ phones.

Life-saving devices

More than 150,000 voices from across Australia called on the Senate to take action, and today we congratulate the senators for listening,” said National Justice Project director George Newhouse, who successfully brought the class action against Dutton’s initial phone ban.

“Mobile phones save lives every day,” the legal service’s principal solicitor continued. “They are a legal, emotional, social, and cultural lifeline without which the government could silence and punish people seeking asylum with impunity.”

Newhouse explained that minister Dutton is trying to take away phones “from the innocent men, women, and children who he has detained.” And this would not only deprive them of vital communications with loved ones, but also cut them off from their legal representation.

“I believe that Priya, Nadesalingam and their two children would be in Sri Lanka today if they had not had their mobile phones with them on the night that the guards stormed their room in Villawood Immigration Centre,” Newhouse maintained.

Also known as the Biloela Tamil refugee family, Priya, Nadesalingam and their two Australian-born children were about to be covertly deported by plane last August, when they were able to contact supporters via their phone, which led to a last minute judicial reprieve.

Now, the family are deplorably being detained at Scott Morrison’s Christmas Island facility.

 

Biloela Tamil refugee family (Image from themorningbulletin.com.au)

Release them into the community

The failed mobile phone confiscation bill appeared mid-pandemic at a time when there was a rising focus upon the former Manus Island and Nauru offshore refugees and asylum seekers who came to Australia under Medevac last year and are now being held in hotels.

The men at the Mantra Hotel and the other 120-odd detainees held at Brisbane’s Kangaroo Point Central Hotel weren’t – and still haven’t been – given any way to protect themselves against COVID-19.

There’s no room to keep social distance in these establishments. The guards don’t take virus protective measures. And one staff member has tested positive for COVID-19 whilst working at each of the hotels that are now deemed alternative places of detention (APODs).

The majority of the information about the plight of these men – who were brought here for medical assistance and then locked away during a health crisis to be given none – has been making its way out to the public via their mobile phones and internet-capable devices.

And as long-term refugee rights advocate Jane Salmon points out, now Lambie has seen this important victory over the line, it’s time to turn back to the greater campaign that involves seeing the Medevac refugees released into the community, so they can have their freedom after seven long years.

This piece was originally published on The Big Smoke. You can find them on Facebook (https://www.facebook.com/TheBigSmokeAU/) and on Twitter (https://twitter.com/TheBigSmokeAU).

Paul Gregoire is a Sydney-based journalist and writer. He has a focus on civil rights, drug law reform, gender and Indigenous issues. Along with Sydney Criminal Lawyers, he writes for VICE and is the former news editor at Sydney’s City Hub.

 

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Seeking the Post COVID-19 Sunshine: Four More Years of Majority Labor Government in Queensland?

By Denis Bright  

The release of the YouGov Poll for the Queensland government’s entry into caretaker mode on 5 October 2020: YouGov sampled opinions from 2,000 respondents covering Metro Brisbane, South East Queensland and Regional Queensland.

YouGov’s London based global polling networks with research centres worldwide rely on a new Panel Methodology to collect data for marketing, political polling and wider soundings of public opinion.

In progressive leadership hands this polling can keep corporate and community leaders in touch with the needs on constituents. In the wrong hands, such techniques can lead public opinion in Faustian directions to support involvement in foreign wars as in the Blair-Bush eras with the support of jingoistic drumbeats from both the tabloid and the communication of selective reasoning by elite media units.

Details of the extent to which these innovative sampling techniques are being applied here has been requested from YouGov as it is really important for readers to be aware of new techniques being applied to monitor our thoughts on public issues.

There is an ethical problem if opinion polling becomes so sophisticated that is can lead public opinion in less than democratic directions during times of economic recession, strategic challenges or the current COVID-19 challenges.

The Seductive Influences of Commitment to Corporate Ideology and Upper Income Welfare

The ideals of a state with minimal levels of taxation and with services delivered by corporations on a user pays basis casts a strong shadow over conservative politics at all levels of government across Australia and beyond. It has been like this for generations. Commitment to the Corporate State was popular in conservative ranks during the Inter-War Period (1919-39) when governments of the leading democracies were largely from the dry conservative right until the launch of Roosevelt’s New Deal Programmes (1932-45) which applied Keynesian economics  in its most primitive forms but also edged the world’s superpower towards economic nationalism through higher tariff levels.

The federal LNP continues its tinkering with the Australian economy in the most recent budget. On offering are politically tempting tax rebates backdated to 1 July 2020 in the federal budget on 5 October 2020 which are being delivered with bipartisan support in the senate.

 

 

What is not always revealed in eyewitness news coverage is the extent to which wealthy families are able to minimize their incomes with the best advice available from legal consultants and tax minimization accounting firms. Some of the wealthiest Australians enjoy full pensions and youth allowances for their young adult family members at university while others receive the full discipline of current means test arrangements as installed by the federal LNP in 2017.

The limitations of this tax relief during a time of economic recession shows up in the delivery or inadequate Medicare rebates to clinics who offer bulk-billing services and in the delivery of much needed home-care packages for elderly and disabled people. ABC News (7 October 2020) offered this feedback on the consequences of the federal LNP’s commitment to upper income welfare from Linda Sharrock works at the coal face of aged care, managing KompleteCare Community and Home Care service in Adelaide:

“We are absolutely delighted that there are new packages coming in the system, [but] 23,000 really will not make that much of an impact, especially being over four years,” she said.

“There’s 100,000 people waiting for packages at present. So [it’s] really not going to touch the sides.”

To receive funding for entry-level care, the wait time is three to six months, but once a person needs funding for the higher levels of care — the kind that means avoiding going into a home — it blows out to over a year.

In the past two years, 28,000 people have died waiting for their home care packages to come through.

That’s 5,000 more lives than the number of additional home care packages announced in the budget.

 

Package

Care needs Annual subsidy
1 Basic $8,845
2 Low $15,562
3 Intermediate $33,866
4 High $51,335

 

“The sad thing is that we’ve seen people that have passed away while waiting for their package, so they actually never get their package,” Ms Sharrock said.

“So over four years it’s likely that that could happen, that people will pass by waiting for support.”

 

The shadows of the federal LNP’s national economic policies affect states Queensland which receives about half of its total state revenue of approximately $60 billion in federal distribution of GST revenue which is always lowering during recessions and federal grants for the delivery of services like health and motorways. Policy detours by a state LNP government would wave on the conservative agendas during a time of economic stress and a regression towards user-pay principles for services like the use of motorways privatized by the previous LNP Government and sold off by Premier Campbell Newman to the Transurban Network from the Queensland Investment Corporation (QIC).

So how is Labor responding to the new conservative challenges from a combined Scott Morrison-Deb Frecklington Alliance with two LNP governments in control of state finances and a third LNP administration in control of the Brisbane City Council?

Day Two of the Queensland Election

The different priorities of the two major parties were reflected in their choice of major campaign venues during Day Two of Caretaker Mode.

Opposition Leader Frecklington visited Watkins Steel in the safe Labor electorate of Nudgee in Brisbane. Premier Palaszczuk campaigned in Mount Isa and headed off to Townsville from the safe Katter’s  Australian Party (KAP) electorate of Traegar.

Opposition leader Deb Frecklington offered reduced power bills for companies large and small at a cost of almost $500 million while Premier Palaszczuk offered to extend the national electricity grid to North West Queensland at a cost of $1.8 billion (ABC News 6 October 2020).

Surprisingly, Caretaker Mode commenced with favourable YouGov polling results. A repeat of the bad polling results in late July would have been a very bad start.

Significantly, Labor’s primary vote has improved by 5 per cent to 37 per cent since the worst of soundings by YouGov on 7 June 2020. This translates to a 52-48 per cent result in favour of Labor after preferences (Images from PressReader Coverage of YouGov Polling):

 

 

This situation still translates into a tight election result as Labor support base has been eroded in some former heartland areas in Cairns, Townsville and parts of Outer Metro Brisbane.

Given the diversity of Queensland’s electoral regions, a 54-46 divide in favour of Labor is desirable with a Labor primary vote closer to 40 per cent is highly desirable. Despite the tailwinds assisting Premier Palaszczuk’s early campaigning efforts, there is always a possibility that polling could drift in Labor’s direction during the campaign (Images from PressReader of the YouGov Polling):

 

 

The maverick factor is of course possible damage from capital intensive campaigning on behalf of Clive Palmer’s United Australia Party (UAP) in those difficult regional and outer metropolitan seats with high levels of economic and social stresses. Constituents in difficulties are being encouraged to vote against their real interests in the service of dry corporate ideology by this style of campaigning.

Campaigning in Traeger

With its extraordinary margin in favour of Katter’s Australian Party (KAP) from the 2017 state election, winning the remote regional seat of Traeger is more than a simple campaigning challenge. Images of the Premier’s good reception from mining and community leaders in Mt. Isa rapport with enthusiastic constituents is transmitted statewide on eyewitness news network. The visit to Mount Isa talked up financial commitments to the copper smelter, new road works, the appeal of economic diversification through tourism and trade training courses as well as new high voltage links to the national power grid in Townsville.

Premier Campbell Newman’s government had promised to privatize the Mount Isa rail link to its export terminal in Townsville. These antics added the removal of sleeping cars and dining services on the twice weekly Inlander train service to Mount Isa.

The NW Queensland seat of Traeger is the state’s second largest electorate covering 428,911 square kilometres in the north of the state. It runs along the Flinders Highway from Charters Towers through Hughenden, Julia Creek, Cloncurry to Mt Isa and on to the Northern Territory border. It also includes Burketown, Normanton, Karumba and the Aboriginal community on Mornington Island in the gulf country, as well as the old mining towns around Georgetown.

Here are the voting patterns in Traeger from the 2017 Queensland elections:

 

 

These candidates (below) had nominated by 5 October 2020. Labor has chosen a candidate from Mount Isa with great regional appeal and communication traction across Traegar as shown by comparisons between the three leaders with an interest in this seat. A candidate from the UAP has yet to emerge through the spinifex:

 

 

Traegar is a sunny haven during the cooler months and should be attracting more tourists when state borders are re-opened. Exotic destinations include Lawn Hill Gorge (Boodjamulla), ghost towns in the Cloncurry-Mt. Isa District, historic Charters Towers and Ravenswood, the Doomadgee Community with its splendid facilities for indigenous people, Century Zinc Mine and the vast reservoirs near Mount Isa for water sports.

Air fares are quite affordable to Cairns which has a high frequency of flights even during COVID-19 times. It is a comparatively short distance from Cairns and Townsville Airport to the exotic locations further west during the cooler months.

Bus Queensland operates excellent regional bus services with state subsidies and these need to be extended to cover the Mount Isa to Normanton route which is currently served by Trans North Buses to Cairns. Bus Queensland offers a $250 pass for ten days of travel which can and should connect more smoothly with existing train and bus services.

If many Australians knew of the ecological treasures awaiting them in Northern and North West Queensland it would become a real alternative to overseas travel during this COVID-19 times.

One enthusiastic supporter of James Bambrick’s campaign in Trager decided to table some strategies to offer more affordable public transport to such exotic North Queensland tourist destinations at a Town Hall Meeting in Townsville on 8 October 2020.

Fans of regional economics and statistical databases should take a look at the Regional Database which has been developed by Queensland Treasury. This site will generate a full economic and social profile on the electorate of Traegar and any other state electorate in seconds with statewide comparisons or other regional or local authority areas. The data can only be as recent as the 2016 Australian census. However, the results challenge some stereotypes about the extent of disadvantage which is actually much higher on the outskirts of large Queensland urban areas:

 

 

Do take advantage of this incredible resource from Queensland Treasury which needs to be extended to other states and territories where this product is not available. It is a vital resource for teachers at secondary and tertiary levels. It is available through Queensland Regional Profiles.

For better political analysis, it should also be extended to federal electorates to challenge some of the rhetorical interpretations offered by both elected leaders and some of the trite data which is publicized in opinion polls as feedback from the community on social reality.

Mining had assisted in containing social disadvantage in North West Queensland when the resources boom was still in vogue at census time in 2016.

The election of the Palaszczuk Government saved the privatization of the Mount Isa to Townsville freight line.

Now Premier Palaszczuk has left Mount Isa with a commitment to the diversification of its resource and tourist base. There were promises of support for the Mount Isa smelter and the connection of Mount Isa to the National Power Grid.

 

Image: The North West Star 7 October 2020 – (L-R): ALP Traeger candidate James Bambrick, treasurer Cameron Dick, Incitec Pivot’s Peter Ware, premier Annastacia Palaszczuk and Glencore’ Matt O’Neill.

 

These visits not only help good local candidates like James Bambrick of Mount Isa. The Premier’s heroic efforts are conveniently also transmitted by eyewitness news networks to more winnable seats across the length and breadth of Queensland.

Raising Labor’s profile with a primary vote of over 40 per cent requires big existential effort as the Premier moves to localities with highly marginal seats.

Anecdotes about the antics of one term LNP Governments are always helpful in reminding voters about the political detours which caused disasters under the LNP one-term governments of Premier Arthur Moore (1929-32) and Campbell Newman (2012-15).

Political rhetoric is not a valued commodity in regional and outer metropolitan areas under social and economic stresses. I saw the audience warming to old Queensland songs to cheer on a member of the Ryan family who was celebrating her 100th birthday at Caboolture in January 2020.

The Labor Police Minister Mark Ryan joined in the singing of Beautiful, Beautiful Queensland on behalf of Sheila Lynch who had lived with her family near that new Tinaroo falls Dam and Mareeba-Dimbulah Irrigation District in the early 1950s when Labor had a state-wide primary vote of 53.21 per cent at the 1953 election.

There is no shortage of music for Bluetooth sound systems at BBQs and speaker vans to revive the old Labor spirit at a time when 80 per cent of Queenslanders were members of trade unions.

I looked through the You Tube repertoire and picked out some other Queensland classics to add a touch of frivolity to a heavy article about life in difficult times

Diverse Musical Genres: Better than a Million Words of Campaign Rhetoric: All Accessible Through YouTube

https://www.youtube.com/watch? (Torres Strait Music)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AW1JkjK8nlE (Torres Strait Music from Parramatta SS Cairns)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VKodav_AZaE (Indigenous Music)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nN-542IYoE0 ( (Didgeridoo Music)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UTG7HOVIahs&list=RDUTG7HOVIahs&start_radio=1 (Ian Moss favourite)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HZ-P_unvrFs (Sunlander song from Slim Duty)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=05Dsq9xmz-s (Life is Great in the Sunshine State 1959 Version)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zn_vz2yJ2jM (Beautiful Queensland with Tex Morton 1940 Version)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=g86j_ud6ZUk (Queenslander Anthem)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FqtttbbYfSM (Waltzing Matilda with Slim Dusty)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Q7TrRqv-flU (G’Day from the late Slim Duty)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wP1_7Ljlnb8 (Slim Dusty Medley)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hdu7krSkCLY (Slim Dusty with Lights on the Hill)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TY8PFgCPyx4 (Moreton Bay Folk Song)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hBnVUL5gjWQ (Standard Lyrics of the Gundagai Song)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=A7ANgTJDNsk (Song for Bundaberg and Bert Hinkler)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=glIEEIijDJQ (When John Bradfield Designed the Sydney Harbour Bridge to be Opened by Premier Jack Lang in 1932)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U_835ZddBvc (Story Bridge Song)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7bIJV8gaBK4 (Pub with No Beer with Slim Duty)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MSgv3fYG8FY (Marching Back to Dusseldorf 1815 Version to the Tune of Marching Through Rochester and remarkably like the Waltzing Matilda Beat).

Denis Bright is a member of the Media, Entertainment and Arts Alliance (MEAA). Denis is committed to citizen’s journalism from a critical structuralist perspective. Comments from insiders with a specialist knowledge of the topics covered are particularly welcome.

 

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‘Emotional Labor’: Are we expecting too much from Dan Andrews?

By Mikayla Chadwick  

Today, Dan Andrews fronted the media for the 94th day in a row. But, while we expect him to show compassion and take the blame, are we asking too much?

In today’s political landscape, we force our politicians to be emotional: we want their compassion, we need to see them suffer as we do, we need to see them happy for our nation’s successes. So, what does this mean for Daniel Andrews?

What does it mean when we expect him to be civil, calm and collected when answering questions from a reporter for the 94th day in a row, when he knows they will publish yet another article asking him to take personal responsibility, or label him a dictator? How much can we ask of our leaders, emotionally, before it becomes too much?

Politicians, like waiters and retail staff, are service workers. Their employment depends upon their service to others: their role is to represent us. According to studies, politicians experience emotional burnout and depersonalisation in their jobs, as much as any other service worker. The pain a waiter goes to when he smiles with a ‘customer’s always right’ attitude, is likened by academics to the burden on a politician to smile and respond graciously to a reporter who publishes attacking and victimising articles about them. When the currency of today’s crisis is emotion, be it the fear of contagion or frustration about being in lockdown, how much emotional outpour can we expect from our leaders?

I argue, we can’t possibly expect as much as we do.

A simple scroll down Daniel Andrews Instagram feed will find a plethora of abuse scattered in comments on family photos.

Admittedly, Andrews’ is likely posting photos of his family in an attempt to humanise himself to the public – reminders of ‘I’m suffering too’ and ‘we’re all in this together’. Yet, the act of posting a photo of your family, while expecting to be called a paedophile, a dictator and a villain, requires some emotional work in and of itself. Andrews is experiencing daily something called ‘emotional labour’.

Coined by an American sociologist, ‘emotional labour’ is the effort one endures to act out an expected emotion, while genuinely feeling an entirely different emotion. The classic example usually given is that of an air hostess smiling at her passengers, despite her inner exhaustion. Her employment requires her to smile, even when she really doesn’t feel like it. Though it may be onerous to feel sympathy for our leaders, it can be suggested that Daniel Andrews is suffering the same burden as the air hostess.

Rachel Baxendale, in particular, not only writes incredibly confrontational and scathing accounts of the MP, but is standing in front of him at every press conference with questions ready to be fired. These include hypotheticals that he couldn’t possibly be expected to realistically entertain.

Here, Andrews must maintain a calm and respectful manner, despite what could all well be his true feelings of anger or resentment towards her as a reporter. Statements, even from fellow politicians such as Tony Abbott, saying we are in the harshest lockdown in the world, are found inaccurate by institutions such as Oxford University, who indicated that 13 other countries have achieved the maximum possible score for the overall severity of their lockdowns – Victoria is not alone. Yet, Andrews must keep it together in front of the press. This is a requirement of his job.

Other studies suggest that the role of the politician is to personalise the political – to make his moral integrity and familial accountability political fodder. Leading in a time of crisis embeds you in Australian households – press conferences and decisions made by Andrews affect us in an unprecedented way.

His position on COVID is as much up for ridicule as his personal life. People feel justified in attacking his family on Instagram, because they feel as though Andrews has personally victimised them; as if our leader has personally locked their doors and thrown away the key. Yet, if we saw no photos of his family, if we saw him react with anger to a journalist, he would also be ridiculed.

His position on COVID is as much up for ridicule as his personal life. People feel justified in attacking his family on Instagram, because they feel as though Andrews has personally victimised them; as if our leader has personally locked their doors and thrown away the key.

What Andrews is confronted with as a service worker is indicative of a wider, systemic problem that neoliberalism confronts us with. Our personal lives now are our professional lives. Personal attributes, such as optimism and confidence, are now listed as requirements in job descriptions. Emotion is okay, only when it fits the company well.

For instance, the ill-conceived campaign #GiveDanTheBoot, escalated to boots being hung on Andrews’ father’s grave as a sign of discontentment with Andrews’ leadership. In response to this, Andrews commented “Shame, shame on him, shame”.

Given, shaming the man who hung the boots consequently shames the entire campaign. However, when The Age deemed Andrews as ‘emotional’ in a headline, it was okay because it reflected the family values, we expect of him. Here we can see that he was allowed to be emotional because it served his party’s purpose. Again, the employer (us) set the rules for how and when he is allowed to respond emotionally to an ongoing string of events shaping his life.

If we are to hold Daniel Andrews personally accountable for every decision made during the COVID crisis, then we do not understand the complexity of working in politics.

This is not to argue that Andrews should be void of responsibility. Rather, he should be cut some slack, for prioritising the people over the economy, as opposed to Trump’s prioritisation of the economy over the people. And, to clear this up now, yes, if the economy collapses many people will suffer, but it is the people who sustain the economy. If we all die, so shall the economy.

Let’s give Andrews some credit for keeping us alive and undertaking the burdensome task of managing his emotions day-in-day-out.

This piece was originally published on The Big Smoke. You can find them on Facebook (https://www.facebook.com/TheBigSmokeAU/) and on Twitter (https://twitter.com/TheBigSmokeAU).

Mikayla Chadwick is a Melbourne-based freelance writer, focused on human and legal rights, global affairs and popular culture. Mikayla holds a Bachelor of Arts Degree and is currently completing a research degree in sex work policy reform. To read more from Mikayla, check out her website: mikaylachadwick.com.

 

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Trust me, I’m a Deregulated Banker

By 2353NM  

Those that remember the dim dark distant days of the Global Financial Crisis, or GFC, would be aware that a lot of the financial pain was caused due to a number of financial institutions around the world who for a number of years had been lending large amounts of money to those that couldn’t necessarily afford the payments and relying on security that was in essence useless. To an extent, the Australian Government of the time, led by Kevin Rudd mitigated the effects of the GFC by injecting significant funding into the economy. The solution was more or less copied recently by the current Government during the current pandemic with a far larger (in percentage terms) injection despite the Coalition campaigning for the previous 10 years on the ‘reckless’ spending of the ALP.

One of the strategies Rudd employed to ensure that there was little chance of a subsequent Australian Financial Crisis was to legislate to require banks to actually assess if the borrower could realistically afford to repay the debt. That being said, all banks still have some level of default as they assess your ability to make the necessary repayments up to 30 years into the future based on your current circumstances. Sometimes the assessment is incorrect, sometimes circumstances change. That is a large part of the reason why banks charge a risk premium called interest for the borrowing of money over and above the cost of the bank finding the money to lend.

Prior to the introduction of the laws by the Rudd Government, the consumer was pretty much responsible for alerting the bank they couldn’t afford the repayments while applying for a loan. So, the borrower who has just signed on the dotted line for the shiny new car or the property that belongs in the pages of Home Beautiful was responsible for saying to the bank that I really want to make the purchase, please give me the money, but I can’t afford to repay it. Given that the voluntary full disclosure probably never happened, the legislation made it harder for people to get themselves into financial difficulty.

Recently the Australian Treasurer Josh Frydenberg announced he was considering winding back the legislated protections for those that take out a loan. Frydenberg claims the reforms will

increase the flow of credit to households and businesses. As Australia continues to recover from the COVID-19 pandemic, it is more important than ever that there are no unnecessary barriers to the flow of credit to households and small businesses.

It seems a fair response to a significant lessening of demand for lending, and lending does assist the economy to recover from a recession. It is probably a good thing. But is there a lessening of demand which is the premise for the initiative? According to the ABC News article linked above – apparently not

The Commonwealth Bank recently said that the flow of credit is above pre-COVID levels and that lending is growing at a strong pace,” noted the Consumer Action Law Centre’s CEO Gerard Brody. And none of the big banks opposed the responsible lending laws at the recent House of Representatives Economics Committee hearings.

If you can’t recall the GFC, you probably have a better chance of remembering the Royal Commission into Financial Institutions conducted by the Hon. Kenneth Haynes. The final report was delivered to the government in 2019. The Commission was set up to demonstrate that ‘industry superannuation’ funds were suspect due to undue interference from unions; the outcome was somewhat different. The Coalition had forgotten the basic rule of an enquiry –  don’t ask the question if you don’t know the answer.

His Honour was less than impressed with the Finance industry’s ethics and culture of sales above (almost) everything else as noted in the Interim Report Summary. If you really need something to do, the full report in three volumes is available here and is equally as damning. The report made 76 recommendations. None of them were calling for a reduction in regulation or removal of legislation.

Frydenberg wants to reduce regulation which is a ‘barrier to lending’, implying the banks can’t find people to lend to and fundamentally banks are trustworthy. According to others, banks are already providing credit at ‘better than pre-COVID’ levels. As recently as 2019, a Royal Commission found that the sales culture in banks was rampant. To top that off, Westpac was taken to court in 2018 by ASIC for failing to ensure customers had the ability to repay loans. Both Commonwealth Bank and Westpac have also been taken to task over industrial-scale money laundering. It seems Frydenberg’s theory doesn’t stack up.

Why would Frydenberg believe that suddenly the banks have seen the light and will behave appropriately when demonstrably they haven’t always been ethical in the past? The probable response is that he is living up to his conservative ideology and attempting to reduce regulation, which usually disadvantages those who don’t have the resources to be treated equally at the bargaining table. You could also accuse Frydenberg of ignoring the elephants in the room, namely past history, the recent court cases and the Royal Commission that gave him, as the responsible Minister, a three-volume report in 2019 essentially suggesting that banks will chase the profits regardless of the consequences.

Consider this action in parallel with other actions taken by the Morrison Government in recent weeks to

  • reduce JobSeeker despite the current economic recession,
  • trash the environment through a ‘gas’ led industrial and energy policy,
  • argue over border closures with only one or two out of four jurisdictions using the practice to minimise COVID19 within their states,
  • continue to use refugees for political gain rather than treating all people humanly,
  • attempt to blame shift the aged care home COVID19 mess of the past six months away from the federal regulators
  • spin the massive backflip on the NBN fibre to the home rollout being 10 years late as a positive.

We’re not ‘all in this together’ – Morrison and his government are back to their ideological worst. And we had a chance to create a new and better normal.

What do you think?

This article was originally published on The Political Sword

For Facebook users, The Political Sword has a Facebook page:
Putting politicians and commentators to the verbal sword

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Seeking the Post-COVID-19 Sunshine: Should Opinion Polling lead our Political Participation?

By Denis Bright  

In the absence of a high-profile opinion polling in the forthcoming Queensland election, I took the initiative of contacting YouGov in Sydney about the expected date of their next comprehensive opinion poll. It is a long time since the last opinion poll from Newspoll through YouGov in late July 2020.

This poll indicated a close result after preferences. The anticipated outcomes were closer than the margin of error in state-wide polling in a state with a very diverse demography. This adds to the potential margin of error in the polling results.

That Pox on Both Your Houses?

Research from the Electoral Commission Queensland (ECQ) in 2017, showed up other variables.

There was a high level of informal voting particularly in disadvantaged electorates on the outskirts of urban areas in South East Queensland. Informal voting was in excess of 6 per cent in eight electorates. Long before the COVID-19 problems in 2017, the apparent failure to vote was running in excess of 15 per cent in sixteen electorates. Still an unknown percentage of potential voters had not bothered with electoral enrolment obligations.

Electoral rolls are managed by the federal government through the AEC which is also responsible for publicity campaigns to encourage enrolments.

Many potential voters are turned off by formal politics and the shrill nature of political debate which is conducted through the media.

Then,  there is the obscure role played by political public opinion polling. This is accepted as a social reality. Scoop public opinion polls assist with promotional efforts by print, online and electronic media outlets.

Australia suffers from a lack of diversity in its opinion polling networks compared with Britain and European countries. The Politico web site offers a consensus of polling results. Readers who are interested in public opinion in Britain and Europe will enjoy looking at the results on the Politico site which cover thirty countries plus elections of the EU itself.

Australia is increasingly locked into Newspolls administered by YouGov.

Newspoll was once an arm of News Corp Australia. However, News Corp allowed its political polling to be administered by Galaxy Research. This was taken over by YouGov:

YouGov set up its own Australian business two years ago, using data collected from its proprietary panel of members to provide syndicated data products and services. Financial details of the deal were not disclosed.

David Briggs, the founder and managing director of Galaxy, will lead the combined business and team of 11 employees in Australia, which will initially operate under the brand YouGov Galaxy.

Stephan Shakespeare, CEO of YouGov, said: “With its reputation for accuracy and an excellent roster of corporate market research clients, Galaxy was an obvious fit for the YouGov Group. This acquisition increases our presence in Australia which is a significant market and one which is strategically important to our international clients.”

Briggs, added: “Becoming part of YouGov gives Galaxy access to an enviable global profile, a high-quality proprietary panel and operating platform.”

By global corporate standards, YouGov is quite a small company but with massive strategic influence over world politics from its network of nine million panellists worldwide in UK, USA, Europe, the Nordics, the Middle East and Asia Pacific. Limited details are available of this network from the YouGov site. It has a network of one million panellists in the UK alone. This vast network of panellists can be randomly sampled on both political and marketing questions in a manner which could not be done by Newspoll itself within the global News Corp stable.

Welcome to the YouGov Network

 

YouGov incorporates political opinion polling into its wider marketing outreach:

YouGov is an international research data and analytics group headquartered in London.

Our data-led offering supports and improves a wide spectrum of marketing activities of a customer-base including media owners, brands and media agencies. We work with some of the world’s most recognised brands.

Our suite of data solutions includes YouGov BrandIndex, YouGov Profiles, YouGov Omnibus and YouGov Custom Research.

With a proprietary panel of over 9+ million people globally and operations in the UK, North America, Mainland Europe, the Nordics, the Middle East and Asia Pacific, YouGov has one of the world’s largest research networks.

YouGov data is regularly referenced by the press worldwide and we are the most quoted market research source in the UK.

In Australia, YouGov has an association with the Murdoch Press and with other News Corporation television and print outlets worldwide. The precise nature of this association was the subject of my request for YouGov to assist in the preparation of this story line.  Our readers might be able to better define this association. I offered YouGov a chance to offer block quotes for inclusion in my story line to ensure that the complex associations were precisely covered.

There can be no doubt of the power of marketing network in both politics and corporate life. Such links are not widely discussed in mainstream media networks. YouGov reveals something of its marketing approach to politics and even their assessment of elites in Britain.

Self-promotion works wonders as shown by the latest scoop from YouGov’s B&T Magazine. Images of Sydney’s 2GB King of Radio Breakfasts Ben Fordham are so larger than life that they are confusing the autopilots on Telsa cars:

 

 

“Sydney’s new king of breakfast radio Ben Fordham is stopping Sydney traffic and it has nothing to do with his ratings-hit 2GB show.

With his face plastered on the back of Sydney buses, Tesla cars have been thrown into disarray with its autopilot system confusing the radio host’s mug for a real person and automatically hitting the breaks.

Fordham talked about the strange incident earlier this week on his show.

He said: “What’s happening is that there’s a function in Tesla vehicles called autopilot. But the computer looks at what’s going on around and if it identifies what it believes to be a pedestrian, it will hit on the brakes,” Fordham said.

“[It] thinks that I’m a pedestrian as opposed to a poster!”

The Tesla autopilot issue was posted as a video to YouTube on September 27 by David Jones” (bandt.com.au).

Major shareholders in YouGov are BlackRock Inc, a major US global investment manager with assets of $US 7.4 trillion under management and the world’s largest shadow bank as well as Standard Life Aberdeen which is the largest asset manager in the UK.

In this Brand-New World, the strategic timing of irregularly placed political opinion polling can influence outcomes in close elections. Even quite ethically based polling works wonders for print and electronic network ratings. Voters like to be on a winner like the horse race punters of old who relished in accessing tips from racing insiders. The world has changed but our information bases for decision-making have become somewhat more sophisticated and more existential. The UAP is a specialist in political populism from the 2019 federal elections.

A strategically placed poll just when the Queensland Government is entering its caretaking period can have a big impact on the viability of a government with the slenderest majority of just one seat away from minority government from the 2017 state elections.

If the next opinion poll strongly supports the Palaszczuk Government, it will have little impact on election outcomes. However, it will be a different matter if the voting patterns from the July polling are repeated to slow a line-ball outcome after preferences from minor parties.

Clive Palmer’s United Australia Party (UAP) is on the scene again to stir up politics particularly in disadvantaged electorates.

The UAP’s flamboyant style of politics invites a protest-vote from the legions of Queenslanders who have little interest in formal politics (Ben Snee of The Guardian 3 October 2020). UAP preferences are directed against Labor with a vengeance.

“No analyst or pollster believes Palmer’s United Australia party – which is yet to announce candidates in 50 electorates – can win more than a minor share of the vote in any Queensland seat. So what does the state’s richest man hope to achieve by pouring more personal millions into his own political outfit?

“Up here there’s a saying: don’t listen to what a man says, watch what he does,” says Jen Sackley, a former official and candidate for Palmer’s United Australia Party.

“This is a Liberal man. He was a National and Liberal man most of his life. As far as I’m concerned, we were a lobby group for the Liberal party in yellow shirts.”

Sackley was the party’s north Queensland director and its regional campaign manager at the 2019 election. Palmer spent $83.6m on his garish “Make Australia Great” election advertising. In the final weeks, the businessman changed strategy and launched a series of attacks ads designed to damage and discredit Labor, rather than attempting to win seats for the United Australia party.”

Politics in the COVID-19 Era

This time there will be a significantly larger percentage of postal and pre-polling votes if the precedents of the local government elections in Brisbane on 28 March 2020 are repeated (Anthony Green 19 April 2020):

During March the Electoral Commission reacted to the emerging health emergency by encouraging voters to make use of postal and pre-poll voting. It also broadened access to telephone voting, an option previously only available for blind and low vision voters. The new public health rules prevented the Electoral Commission from visiting retirement homes and hospitals, and also prevented the use of Electoral Visitor voting.

The effect of Coronavirus on turnout was less dramatic then the impact it had on how people voted. In the Brisbane City Council Lord Mayoral election, turnout fell from 84% in 2016 to 79.9%, a drop of only 4.1%. That is a remarkable turnout given the health concerns.

But using Brisbane ward election results, on the day voting fell from 66.0% in 2016 to only 26.5% in 2020. Pre-poll voting rose from 13.2% to 28.7%, postal voting from 12.2% to 23.9%, end telephone voting recorded 8,428 votes (1.4%) compared to only 151 votes in 2016.

Absent voting also leapt from 7.4% in 2016 to 18.3% in 2020. This figure hides some of the increase in pre-poll votes. In 2016 pre-poll votes recorded outside of a voter’s home ward were recorded as pre-poll votes. In 2020 outside of ward pre-polls were counted as absent votes.

In a community under stress from both public health and financial hardships, there is certain to be a big existential factor in this year’s Queensland elections.

Many will look to guidance from strategically timed opinion polling with claims from YouGov about is incredible track record. Delaying the major polling will enable the UAP to be registered in the two forthcoming major pre-election polls.

Stresses abound in 2020 during the worst recession since the 1930s and are certain to intensify if the LNP has chance to regain control of the policy levers at state and federal levels to impose that social and workplace discipline that the corporate sector craves in difficult times.

Denis Bright is a member of the Media, Entertainment and Arts Alliance (MEAA). Denis is committed to citizen’s journalism from a critical structuralist perspective. Comments from insiders with a specialist knowledge of the topics covered are particularly welcome.

 

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Forced Income Management: The Cashless Welfare Card

By Tina Clausen  

YOUR assistance is URGENTLY needed to stop the further roll out of the privatisation of Social Security via the forced income management of anyone who happens to receive some kind of Social Security payment.

On Wednesday a Bill is up for voting in Parliament in order to add a new ‘trial’ area as well as extend the existing ongoing years long ‘trials’ already happening in many places around Australia. The final plan is to impose this draconian scheme on anyone of any age on any kind of Social Security benefit or pension. This week’s Bill is to add in the WHOLE of the Northern Territory as a ‘trial area’.

Everyone on any kind of Social Security payment, not just job seekers but also carers, people on the Disability Support Pension, students, part-time or gig workers getting a Centrelink top up, single parents, struggling farmers, fledgling small businesses owners, veterans, family tax benefit recipients, ALL are considered by this Government to be financially incompetent (this judgement being based purely on source of income, nothing else) and in need of forced income management.

URGENT: Phone or Email the Crossbench to VOTE NO on ‘Transition Bill 2019’.

  1. Stirling Griff (08) 8212 1409 / (02) 6277 3128 senator.griff@aph.gov.au
  2. Rex Patrick (08) 8232 1144 / (02) 6277 3785 senator.patrick@aph.gov.au
  3. Rebekha Sharkie (08) 8398 5566 / (02) 6277 2113 rebekha.sharkie.mp@aph.gov.au
  4. Jacqui Lambie (03) 6431 3112 / (02) 6277 3614 senator.lambie@aph.gov.au

The Cashless Welfare Card forced income management scheme has been falsely promoted as only being there to stop people using Social Security benefits/pensions on alcohol, gambling products and drugs (let us not even start on how and why this assumption of ‘deviancy’ has been applied on a blanket basis to people just because they happen to be clients of Centrelink), but not to worry as everything else is business as usual.

Nothing could be further from the truth. It restricts so much more than that, it is not just like an ordinary debit card in any other way.

Stripping away people’s right to manage their own finances, making them second-class citizens, having to endure abuse and stigmatisation, being automatically branded as drug/alcohol abusers, being financially worse off due to extra fees and charges for using the card, plus penalties for when Indue fail to pay bills set up for direct debit is NOT OK.

Being denied opportunities to make ends meet by accessing cheaper options via markets, garage sales, eBay, buy/sell groups, many online stores, cash in hand sales/repairs etc, is NOT OK.

Many people don’t seem to realise that eBay, Gumtree, a large proportion of on-line businesses as well as many physical stores selling ordinary goods, plus local eating and entertainment places are on ‘Indue’s block list as you could potentially buy alcohol from them. Other excluded businesses have just not bothered to apply to be on Indue’s ‘Approved Merchants’ list. A number have even deliberately decided not to be on it in order to exclude people on Centrelink benefits from accessing their services. Some of these include motels and caravan parks. This has had devastating consequences for some people fleeing domestic violence situations. It is also pure discrimination.

Having to justify to Indue why you should be allowed to spend money (and how much) on items like e.g. specialty bras, some trade services, text books, spare parts, specialised medical equipment needs, school excursions, second hand cars, someone to mow your lawn, attending a school fete, cash needed for transport on regional buses, buying second-hand uniforms, emergency replacement of a second hand fridge or washing machine, emergency car repairs, etc (many being situations where cash is generally asked for) then having to wait days for approval (or not) after submitting an affidavit, photos and a letter that the vendor has to supply, all of that is NOT OK.

Having your financial/credit rating destroyed by Indue whenever they fail to pay your rent or bills in time or fail to process them at all, is NOT OK. Becoming homeless because of this, having your rental history destroyed and real estate agents blacklisting you for non or late rental payments, and/or at the very least, once again continually incurring financial penalties and extra fees and charges is NOT OK.

All of this horror occurring supposedly in the name of ‘supporting’ (punishing actually) those few broken people who may ‘waste’ some of their Social Security benefit on alcohol or drugs. It is worth noting that people identified as having addiction issues already have a support option available in the Centrelink system via being able to be given their payments weekly rather than fortnightly. Ironically, people on this program are EXEMPT from being forced onto the Cashless Welfare Card’s income management scheme.

The lived experience of current ‘Trial Participants’:

  • Increased depression, social isolation and despair.
  • Reports of increased schoolyard ‘poverty’ bullying of kids whose parents have been forced onto this scheme.
  • Direct debit and BPAY Payments not being met on time or honoured, money regularly going missing from Indue accounts.
  • Reports from participants of increased inability to emotionally and physically cope with every day budget management given the complexity of split incomes. Not only between your own bank account and the Indue Cashless Welfare Card account, but the fact that the Indue account is further split into various spending categories that somehow you are meant to keep track of and divide all of your bills, expenses and spending into. Woe betide you if one week you might want to spend more than what has been ‘allocated’ to the grocery category or on unexpected bills. Doesn’t matter if you have more than enough money in ‘your’ account, it has to be in the ‘correct’ category for you to be allowed to spend it.
  • Increases in anger, frustration, desperation.
  • Ongoing stigma and harassment online, in media, in parliament, and socially.
  • Couples experiencing difficulties with no joint access, they must ‘financially divorce’ to continue to receive payments and pay bills.
  • The impact of daily media poverty shaming.
  • Ongoing impacts of economic segregation/social exclusion from every day cash-only family outings.
  • NDIS: People are reporting difficulties with being on Indue Cards and negotiating with NDIS service providers for travel expenses.
  • Increases in Domestic Violence.
  • The bullying, stalking, and active ‘trolling’ of anti-card dissenters by Ministers, paid political activists and a specific group of LNP allied members of the general public (one of whom had to be reported to area police for offline and online stalking of a No Card Hinkler group member).
  • Frequent failure of Indue card technology.
  • Landlords not signing up to CentrePay for rental accommodation.
  • Ongoing cash and third-party renter issues.
  • Experiences of bullying and ‘strong arming’ of local shop owners, service groups and businesses by the Department in trial regions and targeted regions.
  • Inconsistency: Indue LTD staff at shop fronts in trial locations saying one thing to CDC participants and the Department saying another.
  • Loss of dignity and equality.
  • Complaints Job Search Australia and Parents Next staff members using the existence of the cashless debit card as a threat and tool for compliance and bullying.
  • Increases in successful suicides, attempted suicide and self-injury that have not been investigated or openly addressed.
  • No monitoring of ‘at risk’ participants and a lack of reporting processes in place to address critical and cumulative mental health concerns of compulsory CDCT participants.
  • Families reporting a lack of food / going hungry due to random card declines, also an increased need to access food banks and charities.
  • Indue Ltd is not consistently meeting Direct debit and BPAY payments.
  • Families of trial participants reporting they are having to cover expenses and provide needed cash for necessities in order to make up cash shortfalls whenever and wherever the Indue card is not an accepted form of payment.
  • Indue Ltd not making loan, credit card and childcare payments on time (multiple reports).
  • Indue systems failures leaving people stranded.
  • Loss of income by way of increased bank fees and $10 ‘inbound fees’ that are being applied to some participant cash and emergency transfers.
  • Additional transaction fees and in store card user fees.
  • Legitimate Banks are not recognising more than the 20% cash component as lawful recipient income. They won’t recognise the 80% Indue component as income when people apply for loans or credit.
  • Inability of domestic violence victims to flee family violence.
  • Inability to engage in every day cultural and social practices.
  • Minimum spends at local shops impacting cash portion and quarantined portions of income.
  • Indue Ltd has not been investigating lost payments or late payments.
  • People are unable to pay council rates, school fees, childcare costs.
  • Hunger strikes.
  • Miscarriage.
  • Marriage and kinship group breakdown.
  • Homelessness, evictions, landlords unwilling to access CentrePay or wanting to rent to people who are on the cashless welfare card.
  • Inability to access basic shopping services such as Woolworths and Coles online, eBay, PayPal and Australia Post.
  • The refusal of some people to activate cashless debit cards leaving the most vulnerable in extreme and abject poverty, off grid entirely.

I ask everyone to please URGENTLY email or phone the above-mentioned cross benchers to implore them to vote AGAINST this Bill in Parliament on Wednesday. I also ask that you please share this article as far and wide as you possibly can. People MUST be allowed to know the truth about this nefarious and discriminatory scheme, whose only real purpose is the privatisation of Social Security so that a private company can make a huge profit of around $12,000 per person forced on to the card. (What a joke talking about Social Security recipients ‘wasting’ taxpayers’ money.

The Cashless Welfare Card is nothing but financial apartheid and forced social segregation of a group of your fellow community members and Australians.

Acknowledgements:

No Cashless Welfare Debit Card Australia, The Say NO Seven, Kathy Strickland, Kerri Shannon, Kathryn Wilkes for additional information and supplied picture.

“Social Security (Administration) Amendment (Income Management and Cashless Welfare) Bill 2019.”

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So, How Will You Do It Better?

By 2353NM

In the next 12 to 18 months there are a number of elections coming up across Australia. Presumably, in amongst the cries of ‘you’re on mute’ in the socially distanced meetings called by all the political parties to plan and strategise their marketing, they are trying to work out how to convince you that their candidate is the shining light of goodness and rationality in the competition and their opponents are the devil incarnate.

To those who don’t belong to political parties, it can seem at times that candidates are picked by some arcane processes similar to inspecting chicken entrails, consulting oracles and reading the tea leaves. Regardless of what really happens, the preselections by a ‘representation’ of the party faithful sometimes seem to produce people that would be far better off in some other field of endeavour. The scary thing for the people paid by the political parties to convince you and me that we should vote for their particular side of the political fence is that the candidates that do get elected choose the ‘leaders’ of the party.

The leader then relies on the support of these elected candidates, something that can probably be demonstrated by Morrison shutting down criticism of Liberal Party backbencher Craig Kelly despite statements promoting the use of the discredited drug hydroxychloroquine as a COVID-19 treatment, which was subsequently shared online by former TV chef and current conspiracy theory promoter Pete Evans. We have no evidence to suggest Morrison called Kelly and effectively told him to keep his opinions to himself as he has no relevant medical experience or qualifications (and by the way, neither does Pete Evans).

Most people, let alone politicians, will claim they want to improve the circumstances they and those around them live in. The advertising executives hired by the political operatives will be ‘creating’ marketing statements such a ‘A strong economy, a better life’, to convince you and me that that even though the local candidate might be a complete tosser, the ‘leader’ is worth voting for. The slogans are pure drivel and tell us nothing. Motherhood statements involving the words ‘stronger’, ‘better’, ‘security’, ‘great’, ‘supporting’, ‘making’ generally imply a lot but really tell us nothing. And in real life, the train that’s going to run the country down is at the stop before yours.

If you think about it rationally for a minute, the expectation that anyone can guarantee exactly what they will do in the next three years is delusional. A perfect example is Morrison going to the last federal election promising strong economic management — even to Federal Treasurer Frydenberg announcing the budget was already back in the black a year before it was scheduled to happen. COVID-19 put paid to that aspiration. This century alone, we have had a global financial crisis appear out of nowhere to derail most of the aspirational targets promised by Kevin Rudd in the 2007 election campaign and a pandemic doing the same to Morrison’s 2019 campaign.

That’s the problem. Life is full of unfulfilled promises. It’s far easier to tear down a political opponent by latching onto some detail and make the case that the opponent should not be elected because of a flaw in their targets or aspirations than to develop, publicise and argue for alternative policies. It was far easier for Morrison to suggest Bill Shorten was ‘the Bill you can’t afford’ than to discuss his and his team’s vision for Australia’s future should the Coalition be re-elected.

A number of years ago on The Political Sword, we discussed that the only ‘industry’ that could get away with blatantly untrue advertising in Australian media is politics. Regretfully, the situation hasn’t changed and there is still nothing wrong in the eyes of the law with Morrison implying Shorten would introduce excessive taxes with ‘the Bill you can’t afford’ or the ALP claiming at the previous election that the Coalition might scrap Medicare. What the political parties are doing is telling us why we shouldn’t vote for their opponents, leaving a vacuum in policy development in this country and arguably all of us are poorer because it’s safer politically to promise nothing and deliver likewise.

It’s about time that political parties determined that most of us do have two brain cells to rub together and we are actually interested in a discussion around why we should vote for your party, rather than why we shouldn’t vote for the other parties. There is a good reason that most businesses in Australia aren’t using negative advertising to detract from their competition — it’s either illegal or breaches advertising standards. Negative political advertising demonstrates two things — they either have targets they don’t want to talk about should they win the election or they are desperate. Either way, the political parties that employ the ‘strategy’ should be questioned on how they would do it better.

What do you think?

This article was originally published on The Political Sword

For Facebook users, The Political Sword has a Facebook page:
Putting politicians and commentators to the verbal sword

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Seeking the Post-Corona Sunshine: More Continuity for Post-Fitzgerald Electoral Reforms in Queensland?

By Denis Bright  

Even Nostradamus himself might be hesitant about predicting the final outcomes of the Queensland state election on 31 October 2020. Opinion polls to date have been of scant assistance. This article can only promote discussion about some of the new variables in this year’s contest. These are strange times with lots of added social and financial tensions during the COVID-19 era.

The last Queensland Newspoll administered by YouGov was conducted between 23-29 July 2020 from a sample of one thousand voters. That seems like generations ago.

Despite Premier Annastacia Palaszczuk’s high personal ratings in that polling (64 per cent and +5 per cent since the previous poll, a close result can still be expected. The Palaszczuk Government has the slenderest of majorities. It was a minority government between 2015-17.

Conservative media networks will of course strive to take advantage of any future major opinion poll showing any substantial swing to the LNP, even if the state-wide results are quite meaningless. Queensland’s decentralized regional character and the sheer vastness of urban sprawl on the outskirts of cities across South East Queensland will always raise the margin of error in even the best  opinion polls.

Key marginal seat polling will always need to be used to accompany the generalized state-wide voting projections. Even in some electorates like Ipswich West, Mirani (Mackay District), Keppel (Capricorn Coast) and Hervey Bay, there is great internal diversity in social demography.

Opinion polling was once used to call early opportunistic elections. This opportunism is now controlled by a fixed election date every four years unless there are extraordinary circumstances requiring the governor to intervene in setting an unexpected election date.

Premier Campbell Newman took Queenslanders to an early poll on 31 January 2015. This folly for the LNP brought on a 14 per cent swing to Labor after preferences and a 10.81 per cent on primary votes.

The Electoral Commission Queensland (ECQ) has a decisive role to play to maintain the momentum of post-Fitzgerald election reforms under the new four-year parliamentary term arrangements and greater contemporary demands for election accountability.

Legitimate calls by the ECQ will have a decisive influence on this year’s election processes and even final outcomes in marginal seats. Political parties of all persuasions will also be proactive about reacting to any perceived loopholes.

Queensland’s ECQ and the Crime and Corruption Commission (CCC) need to be highly proactive in testing these loopholes. Any laxity in their vigilance can bring a regression to the Joh era.

 

ECQ’s Responsibilities During COVID-19 Times

The ECQ is of course an independent body which can makes its own calls on issues such as the protocols for postal vote applications, pre-polling procedures and that final election day anti-climax in this COVID-19 era.

The comments from political analyst Anthony Green on the Brisbane City Council (BCC) elections on 28 March 2020 are of great significance. I have not seen any comprehensive reports on the electoral practices in the 72 other local authorities in Queensland. Time does not allow me the luxury of making independent investigations from the ECQ data available on local government elections which is quite abundant.

“When the Notice of Election for Queensland’s local government elections was published on 22 February, no one imagined that by election day the state would be under lockdown and voting and counting would be restricted by social distancing rules.

During March the Electoral Commission reacted to the emerging health emergency by encouraging voters to make use of postal and pre-poll voting. It also broadened access to telephone voting, an option previously only available for blind and low vision voters. The new public health rules prevented the Electoral Commission from visiting retirement homes and hospitals, and also prevented the use of Electoral Visitor voting.

The effect of Coronavirus on turnout was less dramatic then the impact it had on how people voted. In the Brisbane City Council Lord Mayoral election, turnout fell from 84% in 2016 to 79.9%, a drop of only 4.1%. That is a remarkable turnout given the health concerns.

But using Brisbane ward election results, on the day voting fell from 66.0% in 2016 to only 26.5% in 2020. Pre-poll voting rose from 13.2% to 28.7%, postal voting from 12.2% to 23.9%, end telephone voting recorded 8,428 votes (1.4%) compared to only 151 votes in 2016.

Absent voting also leapt from 7.4% in 2016 to 18.3% in 2020. This figure hides some of the increase in pre-poll votes. In 2016 pre-poll votes recorded outside of a voter’s home ward were recorded as pre-poll votes. In 2020 outside of ward pre-polls were counted as absent votes.”

The ECQ is not a law into itself. The Guardian (17 May 2018) covered the forced resignation of a previous electoral commissioner that year. I am using block quotes from published sources and do not seek to make defamatory imputations in promoting public discussion on some very vital issues.

“Queensland’s former electoral commissioner was drunk and using drugs at work, bullied staff and was caught in a sexual act with a temporary employee, an investigation has found.

Walter van der Merwe, 56, resigned from his senior public service role in February after being suspended over seven allegations levelled against him.

The attorney general, Yvette D’Ath, on Thursday confirmed in state parliament that a number of those accusations were substantiated by the Crime and Corruption Commission.

They include Van der Merwe being caught in a sexual act with a staff member, being intoxicated at work, failing to show up to work without a reasonable excuse and directing senior officials not to discipline staff he was friends with.”

ABC News (18 April 2018) covered the involvement of the CCC in criminal charges relating to the previous ECQ Commissioner:

“Queensland’s former electoral commissioner is expected to front court after being charged with dangerous drug possession.

Walter van der Merwe resigned from the position in February after being suspended for “serious allegations”.

At the time, Attorney-General Yvette D’Ath did not confirm the nature of the allegations other than stating they were related to “misbehaviour” under the Electoral Act but “do not suggest inappropriate interference in the outcome of elections”.

Today he was issued with a Notice to Appear on one count of possession of steroids after an investigation by the Crime and Corruption Commission (CCC).

Ms D’Ath said the charge is “of a very serious nature and must be dealt with through the court process”.

“In February, I suspended the former Electorate Commissioner due to a number of serious allegations that went to inappropriate conduct in the workplace,” Ms D’Ath said in a statement released today.

“Immediately after the suspension, I referred the allegations to the CCC for investigation.

‘I am aware that the CCC has released a statement today advising of a charge of a former senior state government employee on the charge of possession of a dangerous drug.

“I will await a formal report from the CCC before finalising the investigation into the original allegations received.”

Mr van der Merwe is expected to face the Holland Park Magistrates Court on May 1.

Dermot Tiernan remains the acting electoral commissioner while a recruitment process to permanently fill the position is underway.”

The Mandarin (18 May 2018) noted the outcomes of the hearing at the Holland Park Magistrates Court:

Attorney-General Yvette D’Ath tabled a letter from the corruption watchdog yesterday, summarising its findings in relation to seven serious accusations. The CCC found two of these — claims of travel rorts and rumours about specific cases of nepotism — were baseless.

Allegations that were upheld by the CCC investigation include bullying, skipping work, being drunk on the job, and an incident where the commissioner was found in “a compromising position” of a sexual nature with a temporary staff member.

Van der Merwe allegedly favoured particular employees and “overruled reasonable management decisions of senior managers” to benefit them. Another allegation related to possession of steroids, which were found by CCC investigators inside locked containers in his office. Van de Merwe pled guilty to this in court and accepted a $600 fine, with no conviction recorded.

“It is suspected that Van der Merwe used drugs in the workplace,” according to the CCC’s summary of that allegation.

The corruption watchdog included seven recommendations arising from its investigation in the letter to D’Ath, which can be found published on Queensland’s parliamentary website.

Now Patrick Vidgen PSM as Electoral Commissioner can bring a fresh approach to his heavy responsibilities in maintaining the momentum of integrity relating to elections in the post-Fitzgerald era.

Permit me to introduce a discussion of some important issues affecting this year’s Queensland state election in these COVID-19 times.

 

The Challenges Posed by Postal Vote Applications Through PVA Centres

The state LNP is clearly aware of new opportunities to influence political outcomes through its emphasis on the harvesting of postal vote applications. The LNP would not be alone in making the most of these opportunities. Postal votes accounted for almost a quarter of all votes in the BCC election on 28 March 2020.

LNP resources have been thrown into expensive mail-outs to encourage postal vote applications as part of a How to Vote Safe Strategy.

Attractive envelopes with blue-green graphics give no hint of party affiliations. Constituents who decide to open the envelopes will find a letter from the local LNP candidate. Some envelopes in swing seats like Maiwar in Brisbane’s Inner West are personally addressed. Bringing this seat back into the LNP fold is surely a prized objective.

What is intriguing about the Vote Safe Strategy is the use of a reply-paid envelopes for the enclosed postal vote applications which are being directed to a PVA centre at PO Box 960, Archerfield 4108 before the applications are sent off in bulk to the ECQ. This is a costly step in a well-resourced statewide campaign from the LNP.

At least Labor is more forthright about its  own postal vote requests to constituents. In Ferny Grove electorate for example, sitting member Mark Furner makes no secret about just where the enclosed postal vote applications are going:

From Mark Furner MP in Ferny Grove Electorate

Enclosed with this letter are two postal vote application forms. If you can’t make it to a prepoll booth or vote on election day, simply complete the forms and return it in the reply-paid envelope.

Image from reddit.com

This is returned to Mark Furner’s office without the need for the pretentious use of the PVA Centre.

The LNP’s more assertive style of canvassing for postal vote applications was given a good trial  before the BCC council elections on 28 March 2018. I had not noticed this practice mainly because I give very little attention to junk mail.

At the BCC elections, postal vote applications were returned in a reply-paid envelope to a PVA Centre in Spring Hill. This was ambiguously addressed as Brisbane City Council, PVA Centre, Spring Hill as the graphics clearly show.

I forwarded inquiries to the LNP by phone and to the Coorparoo Ward office by email for an explanation of the nature of PVA centres.

The LNP does not need to explain its actions in setting up PVA centres but I encourage interested voters to keep asking questions about the integrity of such entities.

Should I get more than an automated reply from the Coorparoo Ward, I will soon pass on the details to readers in a postscript to this article.

It is conventionally accepted that the use of a PVA address as used at the BCC elections is probably legal but still highly irregular if postal votes now represent almost a quarter of all votes during the COVID-19 era. My two enquiries at the ECQ with follow-up phone calls do suggest that the use of the PVA centres has not been considered as illegal.

An unnamed CCC complaint adviser,  claimed that the use of the PVA centres does not come within the scope of The Crime and Corruption Act 2001 possibly until a complaint has been filed and processed by the ECQ itself or at the Court of Disputed Returns. I was surprised that officers of the CCC in Fortitude Valley can only release their first name which may or may not be fictitious.

If this practice of allowing PVA centres to operate in the past, has been cleared by the ECQ, surely the transparency of these considerations should be public knowledge. If there is no authorization, there is perhaps a role for the ECQ to investigate this matter.

In the post-Fitzgerald era, expenditures on PVA centres should be declared either in returns from LNP candidates or from the state-offices of the LNP. It would be interesting to find out what declarations of expenditure were made in the BCC elections and any prior elections where these practices were in use.

Other legitimate calls by the ECQ can be expected to have a big indirect impact on election outcomes. The authority for this decision-making is not controversial and within the scope of the Electoral Act 1992 and its amendments. However, there is no doubt that even legitimate calls might affect election outcomes in key marginal seats.

 

Polling Booth Protocols in a Stressful COVID-19 Era

As early voting centres are scheduled to open on 19 October 2020, they will be operating for eleven days just two weeks prior to polling day, the ECQ must make a call on the administrative arrangements at these booths for the distribution of How to Vote Cards by volunteers from competing political parties. The early voting centres will operate for eleven days as they are also operational on Saturday 24 October. At the BCC elections, the early voting centres attracted 28.7 per cent of all votes.

Hopefully, there will be no need to exchange How to Vote Cards between volunteer party volunteers and constituents. Voters can decide if they need How to Vote Cards from containers of fresh cards under the supervision of helpful ECQ staff members.

The Chief Health Officer in Queensland and the ECQ and their senior staff members can be expected to make the final call on pre-polling and other polling booth protocols to avoid the possibilities of community transfers of COVID-19 at polling stations.

The ECQ has published a complete list of early voting centres in communities large and small. Some city booths have only one or two early voting centres. More remote electorates like Warrego have several centres which are largely neutral venues beyond the influence of local storeowners.

The need for the distribution of How to Vote Cards at these centres by volunteers is highly questionable if the ECQ maintains additional staff members for added security with protocols to report incidents and voting anomalies to local police stations.

 

 

It might surely be a waste of campaign energies if volunteers from local political parties  were expected to distribute how to vote cards to just a couple of voters every hour over eleven days of at these early voting centres.

Let’s hope that commitment to the post-Fitzgerald reform processes is maintained after 31 October 2020 with more reforms to those blind spots in electoral laws relating to canvassing of postal vote applications, greater scrutiny of campaign expenses and a review of the role for canvassing of votes at early voting centres which now operate between 9 a.m. and 9 p.m. on four occasions in some quite remote locations.

Changes in voting practices state-wide can be confusing at a time of concerns about public health and financial stresses on voters which might have scarred perceptions about politics and public issues in a representative democracy. Once errors are made in allowable campaigning and voting practices, the outcomes are difficult to resolve.

Before the full onset of the Great Depression, Queenslanders went to the polls on 11 May 1929. The election ushered in the only conservative government in Queensland between 1915 and 1957 under the Premiership of Arthur Moore, then under the banner of a Country-National Government.

As with the Campbell Newman Government (2012-15), the Moore Government lasted for only one term. It would be an interesting project for a keen student to investigate this single term of government as a case study in disaster management through the application of debt reduction and market ideology in a fragile economy.

The conservative press generally welcomed the election of the Moore Government . Even The Truth (Brisbane Sunday paper) welcomed the arrival of a new Premier from the Dalby based  electorate of Aubigny. This paper was indeed popular with Labor voters who liked its populist style of reporting.

The election of Premier Moore raised the hopes of conservatives across Australia.

The Burnie Advocate in far-off Tasmania gave its endorsement of the need for a change of government in Queensland just two days before the state election date (9 May 1929 with text from Trove to offer some historical authenticity):

 

 

Tasmanian conservatives did not have to give up the reins of government to Labor until 1934. The LNP presided over the worst years of the Great Depression.

Tasmanians did not seek another change of government until 1982 when Liberal Premier Robin Gray ran a state rights campaign to continue construction of the two Franklin River Dams. The Tasmanian and Queensland governments funded the legal challenge to this decision in the High Court.

As always, the mainstream media would endorse the nostalgia associated with conservative populism.

Interested readers might like to check out my previous AIM Network article on the consequences of the defeat of state Labor government in Queensland for my own family perspective. Such older articles are difficult to retrieve so I am adding the web address from  8 May 2020.

Perhaps only the horrors of an avoidable war with our chief trading partner could be more devastating to the lives of Australians in contemporary times than a return to regressive styles of market ideology at all levels of government.

Meanwhile, in the old traditions of that eulogy to Premier Arthur Moore, I am sure that television eyewitness news networks will have similar scripts ready on the life and times of Premier Deb Frecklington just in case those political shadows from 11 May 1929 are relevant again.

Denis Bright is a member of the Media, Entertainment and Arts Alliance (MEAA). Denis is committed to citizen’s journalism from a critical structuralist perspective. Comments from insiders with a specialist knowledge of the topics covered are particularly welcome.

 

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The ‘Panama Papers’ exposed the greed of the rich – and then nothing happened

By Paul Gregoire  

The Panama Papers could have been a massive moment in history. However, the culture of tax havens, loopholes and our richest paying zero tax continues unabated.

An Oxfam report released on January 20 revealed that last year 26 billionaires owned the same amount of wealth as the poorest 3.8 billion people around the globe. This was down from 43 individuals the year before. And this extreme wealth disparity is accelerating every year.

As has been exposed over recent times, some amongst the richest portion of society has a habit of avoiding paying taxes. There was the Panama Papers leaked in 2015. And then there was the largest ever leak of financial information – the Paradise Papers—that came to light in late 2017.

The Paradise Papers consist of 13.4 million pages that reveal the global rich avoiding tax payments by using offshore tax havens and secrecy jurisdictions. German newspaper Süddeutsche Zeitung obtained and shared them with the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ).

And according to the ICIJ’s Gerard Ryle, what was important about this leak is “it’s the high end of town”, whereas its Panama counterpart dealt with “rogue players”. So, with the Panama Papers you’re talking Facebook, Amazon, Queen Elizabeth II and Donald Trump’s son-in-law.

Despite the magnitude of what’s exposed, for the most part, people looked the other way. However, if you dig deep into the documents, as St Louis tax accountant Ken Boyd recently did, what you find is the perfect how-to guide on tax avoidance.

A tax accountant’s take

“Most striking to me was the sheer scale of the leak,” Mr Boyd told Sydney Criminal Lawyers. “And the speed with which these documents were perused and reported upon once released.” And he also pointed to the exposed “connection between Trump’s administration and wealthy Russians”.

In his report, Tax Avoidance By The Numbers: The Paradise Papers, the accountant explains that the majority of the documents – 7 million – were from Appleby, one of the world’s largest offshore law firms, with its headquarters in Bermuda. It’s been in business for over 125 years.

Half a million documents came from AsiaCiti: a wealth protection company in Singapore. And the rest were from corporate registries in secrecy jurisdictions, which are countries that allow entities to avoid tax regulations in a way that’s not made public. These include the Cook Islands and Samoa.

Tax avoidance by numbers

“The techniques exposed by the Paradise Papers operate in a somewhat grey area that’s arguably within the letter of the law,” Mr Boyd explained. “Often, the tax avoidance employed will involve convoluted business structures, with extensive use of offshore tax havens.”

The most common way to do this is by setting up a shell company, which are businesses that hold funds and manage the financial transactions of other entities. There aren’t any employees. And they don’t trade on exchanges. Shell companies are perfect places to hide wealth.

The advantage of setting up such a company in a tax haven is these jurisdictions’ tax rates are extremely low or non-existent. And as these areas don’t report tax information, individuals and companies can place money in offshore accounts without their own government’s realising.

Indeed, one of the most popular places to carry out this practice is a five storey office block called Ugland House in the Cayman Islands. Around 20,000 companies are registered to this premises, whilst another 80,000 companies are registered throughout this British Overseas Territory.

These practices are becoming less acceptable however, according to Boyd, as the public reaction to the recent leaks has shown. “Even when high-profile individuals and companies are complying with the letter of the law,” he went on, “they’re seen to be flouting the spirit of it.”

Some of the main offenders

As set out in the report, the Duchy of Lancaster, the private estate of Queen Elizabeth II, invested in the UK household goods company BrightHouse. But, instead of directly investing, the Duchy avoided paying taxes by directing the money through a private equity company in the Cayman Islands.

Colombian pop singer Shakira funnelled $31 million worth of intellectual property rights into a company she owned called Tournesol in Malta, which is a well-known secrecy jurisdiction. Following the leak, the Spanish government investigated her for tax evasion.

And former Turkish prime minister Binali Yıldırım and his sons were found to be stashing cash in a Maltese shell company. However, exposing this caused dire problems for one Turkish journalist. Pelin Ünker was sentenced to 13 months’ gaol time last month for writing about the dodgy dealings.

But why should we care?

While these offshore investments aren’t illegal, they do harm the communities where the wealth is being siphoned from. Tax revenue is used to fund infrastructure, healthcare and public education. But, with a lack of it, these institutions suffer, and so too does the public that relies on them.

And in the meantime, the uber-rich are avoiding paying the taxes required by the law of the jurisdictions in which they live, whilst at the same time, they reap the benefits of the tax-funded services their society offers them.

As Mr Boyd points out, 366 of the Fortune 500 companies hold US$2.6 trillion in offshore tax havens, which would amount to US$752 billion in back taxes, while Berkeley professor Gabriel Zucman estimates that 8% of global wealth – or US$7.6 trillion – is held offshore.

The accountant further outlined that “the world’s most valuable public company” Apple stashes most of its non-US earnings in offshore havens, whilst Nike has US$6.6 billion in cash being taxed at just 3% in Bermuda.

The avoidance continues

“At the time the story broke in November 2017, it made some waves,” Boyd recalls. And there was talk of creating legislation to tighten it up. But, he admits that considering the size of the scandal, the media paid little attention.

Mr Boyd puts this down to two things. Firstly, “tax affairs – particularly those involving complex offshore arrangements – can seem rather impenetrable to the general public”. And secondly, the financial practices that were leaked were more of an ethical problem, than a legal one.

And as for Appleby, it’s business as usual. After it tried to sue the Guardian and the BBC for exposing the documents, the offshore legal firm came to an agreement with the media companies, after it was found that the majority of the leaked documents were no longer owned by Appleby.

“The practices exposed were arguably legal,” Mr Boyd concluded. “Had the Paradise Papers exposed instances of outright tax evasion, that would have been far bigger news.”

 

This article was originally published on The Big Smoke.

Paul Gregoire is a Sydney-based journalist and writer. He has a focus on civil rights, drug law reform, gender and Indigenous issues. Along with Sydney Criminal Lawyers, he writes for VICE and is the former news editor at Sydney’s City Hub.

 

 

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